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"~1
\
• • "^
STIEBINa TIMES
VOL. I.
THE INNER LIFE OF SYRIA. PALESTINE,
AND THE HOLY LAND.
By MRS. RICHARD BURTON.
With Maps, Photographs, and Coloured Plates. 2 vols. Second
Edition. Demy 8to. cloth, price 24«.
' Vivid pictmes of the outer as well m the inner life of Syria.'
Pall Mall QAzrrre.
* Her aocoant of harem Ule is one of the I est and most truthful that
has yet appeared.' Acadsmt.
'ViTld, derer, and brilliant sketches of Damamms and the Mahom*
medan and Christian raoes of Syria.' Edinburgh Rkvibw.
C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 Paternoster Square, London.
STIREINQ: TIMES
OB
RECORDS FROM JERUSALEM CONSULAR CHRONICLES
OF 1853 TO 1866
BY THB LATB
JAMES FINN, M.E.A.S.
KBtBOKR OP TBS SOCltit ABXATIQnB DE PABIS; HXR UAJtgn*B CONSUL FOB JBBUSAUQI
Am) PALBIRTNB FROM 1846 TO 1868; PBBSroBNT OF THB JBBU8AXBM LirBBJLBT
eOCXBTT FBOM 1849 TO 1868; ADTBOR OF 'BTBWATB IB PALBBI1NB'
'BBPBARDDC' *OBPBAB OOLOlTr OF JBWB DT CEDfA*
EDITED AND COMPILED BY HIS WIDOW
WITH A PREFACE BY THE VISCOUNTESS STRANGFORD
Diimx tl *«!>(, DtHt oult. (Oonnoll «t Clermont)
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I.
LONDON
0. KEGAN PAUL A Ca, 1 PATEBNGSTEE SQUARE
1878
(The rights of trandaiitm and of reproduction are reserved)
v
I
^
*>
DEDICATION.
With graiefvl heart we lay our tribtUe down
Before the feet of those whose patient zeal
In far-off lands still soiight their oou/ntrf/'s weal,
No moHial fwme they craved, nor hhod-stairhed crown.
On field, or breach, or deck, with corpses strown.
Guardicms of right, and deaf to no appeal
From helpless poor, they made each tyrant feel
That quiet courage fears no mortal frown.
But some we mourn of those true hearts a/nd brave.
Who waged with wrong the stem vmsqual fight :
Wearied and worn, amid the strife they fell.
And sank to early rest. They sought the right —
Then lay we reverently upon their grane
Records of trvlh—fcr crown of Immortdle.
E. A* F.
PEEFACE.
To THB PUBLISHEBS.
I would gladly have complied more fully with
the request to write a Preface to Mr. Finn's valuable
book, had I been able to study it carefully ; but, as you
are aware, the proof-sheets of the work failed to reach
me, shut up as I was for so many weeks in Sofia ; and
since it arrived here, I have been totally unable to give
it the attention it justly claims, for, as you will easily
beheve, my work here is very hard and absorbing.
Any attempt at an exhaustive Preface, therefore, would
be an impertinence on my part : all I can venture to
do is to tell you what strikes me most from my hasty
glance at its pages, though I cannot believe my opinion
or my thoughts are of any importance. Naturally the
book impressed me the more, as the experience of a good
many years has realised to me the enormous power, in a
quiet way, that Consuls have for improving or disim-
proving the people in whose country they are placed —
a power that is scarcely appreciated at home. If it were,
perhaps more pains would have been taken in their
selection, their salaries would be more carefully adjusted
277143
VI U PREFACE.
to their needs, and their representations would be in
many cases less unheeded.
We have in these pages a faithful picture drawn day
by day of events that often seemed trifling enough at the
time, and that were indeed only the. affairs of daily hfe in
such a country as Sytia ; and a stranger staying for a few
weeks in the district might have called them ' much ado
about nothing.' Taken as a whole, however — illuminated
with retrospective light-^they become a deeply interesting
story. These are the small acts, the fine threads which
weave the woof of history ; here are the germs of those
events which later on v^ill be written in undying pages.
ji
It is not to be denied that the book bears witness to
the incapacity and feebleness of the Turkish Government
in many . places and in many ways ; yet abundant as-
surance may also be gathered from its pages of the sohd
wealth of goodness and vast capacity for improvement
of nearly all the unofficial natives, and in many, or some
at least, of its rulers, who are too often, alas ! overlooked
by the Central Government.
How easily, indeed, these simple-minded people
may be led 1 It is impossible to calculate how great
the advance in civilisation would have been in forty or
fifty years, had the Consuls been allowed to interfere
as much for the advantage and improvement of the
people as they did interfere for political purposes to
their disadvantage and injury.^ Had the English Con-
' See chapters x., xi., and xii.
PREFACE. IX
Sills been permitted by their Government to do as much
good as other Consuls were instructed to do mischief,
the state of the country would now. be very different ;
and how much bloodshed, misery, and destruction of
property, would have been saved ! V
To help the oppressed, of whatever creed or nation ;
to investigate cases of wrong ; to check evil doings ; to
set the example of true justice and equal rights ; to pre-
vent human suffering and to succour the distressed ; and
to do it all * quietly, so that few were aware that anything
was being done' — all this is but the simple duty of a
Consul.^ Yet how few have done it 1 how rarely have
they been instructed or permitted to do it — nay, how often
have those that tried so to act been snubbed for * inter-
ference' and * giving trouble at home!' Was not that
policy a short-sighted one which left to the most aggres-
sive, rapacious, and intolerant Power on earth any pretext
for a tremendous and disastrous interference, in order to
' protect the Christians of the East ' ? From the days of
the Crusaders France and Italy have schemed and bribed
and fought for the undivided protection of all the Chris-
tians in the East, with what variations of success, with how
many Treaties, Firmfins, and Hatti Shereefs, other books
relate to us besides the interesting sketch given by Mr. Finn.
But Eussian claim to any such right of protection, even
for those of their own orthodoxy, is of very modem date.
1 See pp. 186-197.
' Perhaps there has never been a more touching petition than one of
those olTered to Mr. Finn, addressed to ' him to whom Uie persecuted run.'
X PREFACE.
It is, however, none the less a sharp and murderous weapon
when wielded in such hands as theirs. But surely some
of us may permit oimselves to regret that England has
so continuously refused to accept the noble mission, not
of a high-handed, blustering * protection,' which meant a
great deal more, but of the gentle, quiet work of a protector
who strengthens the upright, comforts the weak-hearted,
defends the desolate and oppressed, executes justice, and
maintains truth, without a thought of greed or self-
interest. Mr. Finn says: 'By the time the Crimean
War broke out the vigilance and industry of the British
authorities had produced an appreciable effect. ... A
few more years, and the non-Moslems of the East would
have grown happy and prosperous, and would have
needed neither defender nor champion, for they would
have been strong enough to take care of themselves.
But what would then have become of the champions ? ' ^
The fact also of any Christian Power being openly united
with the Sultan would prevent there ever being a really
dangerous war, for recourse could not then be had to a
Holy War of Moslem against Christian, including the
pious slaughter of all but the professors of Islam.
We live so fast in these days that patience has be-
come an old fashioned virtue, the mark of a degraded
and effete people. Time to grow is disallowed ; de-
velopment must be pushed on as in a forcing-house ; and
what formerly took a year must to-day be accomplished
' P. 10.^.
PREFACE. XI
in a week. No one stops lo consider now what Turkey
was a few years ago— the country must be taken by the
throat and throttled, because it is not advanced in the
same d^ree as Western countries who have centuries
of growth behind them. ' The Turkish power in Europe/
which was announced by the Duke of Wellington in 1829
as * gone,' was indeed so hampered by internal rebellion,
fomented entirely by foreign intrigue, that its struggle for
existence has been fraught with all the evils of despair.
Hence have arisen much of the venality and corrup-
tion of the upper classes, making hay while the short
summer lasted, knowing themselves unable to stand
against the ceaseless and interminable intrigues which
pervaded most of their provinces. A bold, intelligent
policy would have removed every pretext for external
interference ; but the Turk was not accustomed to trust
to policy, and he knew well the power of his sword of
old. Thus, while he doubted, the evil hand of the
foreigner led him to the pit which it had already dug
for him among his own people. Unassisted by intrigue,
few would have rebelled against the Government of their
country, to whom many are still loyal : they rebelled only
against the misgovemment of the Pashks ; they asked the
fiilfilment of the law already given, not by any means a
new law or another yoke. As among the intelligent por-
tion of the Bulgarians in Eoumelia since the calamities of
May, 1876, so among the Arabs in these past years, Mr.
Finn tells us : * There was nothing to endanger the safety
Xll PREFACE.
of Turkish dominion in Palestine, Left to themselves,
the peasant factions of the Bedawy tribes, the Druses and
the Maronites, might and did fight against each other ;
but of any insurrection against their lord, the Sultan, there
was not the slightest danger. Local dissensions and hos-
tilities might be fomented by intrigue from without . . .
but of rebellion against the Sultan and his government
there was no idea whatever,' ^ for the village laws were
good, adapted to the country and the creed, and in Syria
they were for the most part well carried out.
Whatever else their virtues and their vices, and how-
ever steadily they were advancing in civilisation, as most
undoubtedly they were, the Turks were ah-eady far in
advance of many a Western nation in one remarkable
virtue, viz., religious toleration. Fanatically attached to
their own religion, they keep it to themselves, and allow
freedom of worship to others ; religious persecution in
the East is the exclusive property of the Christians, who
have frequently invoked the aid of the Moslem against
each other, to stifle progress, or to gain a temporary
advantage for themselves. Yet how can we blame this
apparent anomaly, when, at home in England, we find
the very persons who are most active in sending missions
to Kussia, ' to convert the Eussians to true Christianity,'
are now the most enthusiastic in their praises of the * De-
liverer of the Eastern Christians,' and the most anxious
for their victory over the one nation that has permitted
» Pp. 217, 220.
PREFACE. XIU
the preaching of the gospel in their country with the
utmost tolerance I These good people have no words
hard enough to express their indignation at the fanaticism
of the Moslem, at the spread of Islam by the sword, and
at the massacres of the four thousand Bulgarians who
perished two years ago by the brutahty of the Pomaks
and Bashi Bozuks ; but if the blood of these poor crea-
tures shed by the Moslems cried out then to Heaven,
what an awfiil cry must now be raised by the hundreds
of thousands slain and done to death by the Christians ?
Mr. Finn rightly asks, 'Who instigated the Lebanon
massacres of 1860 ? Who encouraged and revived the
fast waning fanaticism of the Moslems ? '^ And we who
see the terrible eflfects of the greed of Kussia may also
ask what sort of Christianity is that taught by the acts of
the invaders of to-day ?
Many an interesting parallel will be drawn from these
pages of the situation of the years treated about in this
book, with that of this year — of the origin of that war,
which began in the heart of Jerusalem, in the Holy Sepul-
chre itself, though it afterwards became the war of the
Crimea, and the war of 1877. Both wars owe their origin
to Eussian aggression and falsehood, for the Eussians, in
1853, had, according to their usual custom, made the mis-
take of confusing protection and possession ; they boldly
asserted their * right to protect ; ' — that is, to have the
custody of ^ — ^the Holy Places, to which, in truth, they had
» P. 484. » Pp. 6 and 58.
XIV PREFACR
not the very slightest right ; while now, in 1877, after as-
serting their * right to protect ' the Bulgarians, the desire
for protection was, as usual also, when convenient,
changed into the right to possess them.
Turkey has suffered more than any country in the
world by her visitors; no country has been so much
visited by travellers, and none has been so imperfectly un-
derstood. The flood of travellers and travellers' books
have made everything so familiar to the eye and to the
ear that people have been led to think that, what they
saw so easily, they must have as easily understood ;
whereas in all probability two-thirds of the stories they
have read were but the imaginations of the writer, not
the facts of the country. It is invariably he who has
been the shortest time in these lands who thinks he un-
derstands them best ; those who live there longest learn
best how little they know. An intelligent traveller can
' see with his own eyes,' no doubt ; but httle good will
that do him unless he knows the ' reason why ' of what
he has seen : the origin, the root of it contains pro-
bably the whole meaning. Hence the value of a book
detailing the experience of a twenty years' resident, fluent
in the languages which came daily and hourly to his ears.
Mr. Finn rightly points out ^ that the lumping together
of all the various races in Turkey, and believing that
the same legislation and rule will do for all alike, is
absurd ; still more grossly absurd is the idea that, be-
> Pp. 212, 213. *
PREFACE. XV
cause acquaintance has been made with one race, the
rest can be understood, and are known simply because
they profess the same religion. This is all the less pos-
sible as Islam has almost as many diversities as Chris-
tianity. Yet no doubt after the present war not a few of
the siu'geons who have dressed the wounds of a Bosniak,
or of an Arab, or of a Pomak, or of an Arnaout, will
firmly believe that he knows the national character of
all the ' Turks/
In the same manner it is perfectly sickening to hear
people, whose attention has only lately, for the first time,
been drawn to Turkey, talking of the * general state of
European Turkey for the last four hundred (!) years' as
similar to what intrigue and violence made part of it for
one miserable month ; and asserting that the normal con-
dition of the country from end to end has been that of
ceaseless massacre and rapine. A moment's thought, on
the part of those who wished to speak the truth for
truth's sake, would convince them that no human beings
could have flourished as the Arabs and the Bulgarians
have done had this been the case. Precisely so might a
foreigner assert that the state of all the streets of London,
and of all the towns in our provinces, was one vast scene
of daily and nightly murder, burglary, lust, and bruta-
lity, after studying a monthly Eeport of the Metropo-
litan Police-office, and an annual volume of the *Ees-
cue Society,' — in which latter production it may truly
be said there are more sorrowful horrors detailed as
XVI PREFACE.
happening in the heart of our civilised capital, in one
year, than in ten years of Turkish provincial history.
But how few of our pohticians, who have chosen their
* side/ care to learn the real facts, the true reahties of
the subject I
If they do, here indeed is a book which vnll teach
them much ; here they will learn not only the events*,
but the motives from which they sprung ; they will see
a faithfiil statement of facts made without prejudice or
misrepresentation ; they will find a mine from which to
dig much ore. For this reason I rejoice that you
have decided to publish Mr. Finn's writings.
I remain, yours very truly,
E. STRANGFORD.
COKBTAKHNOPLB :
Apra, 1878.
PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR.
In this work there are no doughty deeds or high achieve-
ments to be recorded, and we are unable to strike the
bold key-note of
Oanto r anne pietose, e 1 gran Capitano.
For although my subject is one that has relation to great
events, Jerusalem herself performed but little, visibly,
among the acts done during the Eussian war of 1853 to
1856. Her part was more passive than aggressive.
Neither does our scope include the large politics
of Europe which moved and sustained the war, for we
are confined to local affairs, described after an interval of
several years from notes taken at the time.
Our topics are not, however, limited to description of
Turkish relations with their own subjects and with the
officisils of foreign countries residing in Palestine. Our
plan is rather to narrate any events that occurred within
the prescribed limits of time, even though some of them
may include details referring personally to the writer,
and to give notices of the general condition of the country
and of its inhabitants, the whole forming a kind of kalei-
doscopic variety.
VOL. x^ a
XVm PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR.
And yet not a mere kaleidoscopic medley for amuse-
ment, since these pages will exhibit the gravity of the
issues involved in the war, the critical state of the whole
country of Palestine at the time, the anarchy of the dis-
tricts, the slight hold which the Turkish Government
was able to maintain, and the facility presented for
intrigues of foreigners. Considerations of some value in
our days, and in the light of the Gortschakoff Circular of
October, 1870, will be presented to our minds by the
above topics.
The first rough draft of this sketch of the Holy Land
during the Crimean War was made in 1870. The world
was then in outward peace. The Prussians with their
allies were at home ; the French Empire was in existence,
as well as the temporal sovereignty of the Pope ; and the
neutrality of the Black Sea was guarded by the Treaty of
Paris. Great changes have taken place in all these affairs,
and the security of Turkey, including Palestine, cannot
but be affected by the disturbance of the relations to each
other of the Powers involved in those changes.
Omitting speculations on the future, we may remark
that the effect of the Eussian war of 1853-6 was to set
up the Turkish dominion on a firmer basis than before,
certainly so in Palestine. Eoughly speaking, however,
the old routine of government continued with none but
very paltry improvements in administration.
One more observation, and that in reference to the
distant combatants.
PREFAOE BY THE AUTHOR. xix
The acclamation of * God wills it,' which impelled the
first Crusade, bore against the Moslem holders of the Holy
Sepulchre ; but the shouts of the war we are now con-
sidering were directed by representatives of the same
nations, who fought in that first Crusade ; but now they
were fighting in defence of the Moslem holders of that
same treasure, against a power which has only become
fully Christian since the crusades, and which equally
covets possession of the Holy Sepulchre.
Such are the changes which time brings about.
This was the outward aspect of events at the com-
mencement of the struggle in 1853, but circumstances
expanded in size as events progressed, the war lost the
religious character of its beginning, and the vnrestling
upon that small * arena ' of the Crimea became one for
mastery over vast regions of land and sea.
Opportunities cannot fail to recur so long as the same
temptations exist.
Written m 1872.
It haa been observed in connection with the competi-
tion of all European nations at present for influence in
Jerusalem, and the decay at the same time of the Ottoman
power, that all the Consulates (except the British) bear
a2
XX NOTE BY THE AUTHOR.
the Eagle for armorial ensigns — the Eussian, the Aus-
trian, the French, the Prussian.
* For wheresoever the carcase is, there will the Eagles
be gathered together.'
' NOTE BY THE AUTHOR.
INTEODUOTOEY NOTICE BY THE EDITOB.
The Eastern Qaeotion and the Orusades from the Jerusalem point of yiew —
The object of the contest — The combatants as represented by their
champions — The Anthor of this History, Mr. Finn, H. M. Consul for
Jerusalem and Palestine from 1846 to 1863.
The Eastern Question which is engrossing men's minds
was the cause of the Crimean war, as we now call the
Eussian war of 1853-6. It was not a purely political
question, in which nothing is involved beyond the posses-
sion of Constantinople. From first to last the question of
the Holy Places in Palestine has been inextricably mixed
up with the politics of the Eastern Question. The peace
of 1856 was regarded by few as a final settlement of the
dispute, though none could say when it might again
break out and involve East and West once more in a
sanguinary struggle.
The Eastern Question (and some will say, ' What is
the Eastern Question?') has once again involved the
nations of Europe in perplexity, has now once more
been referred to the arbitrament of the sword.
If Jerusalem and the Holy Land be intimately and
inseparably bound up with the Eastern Question, it may
be of use to bring forward, at this juncture, all information
which bears upon the subject ; all which may throw light
upon the origin of the disputes that led to the last war ;
XXll INTRODUCTORY NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. -
all that may enable us to understand better the actual
condition of the Holy Land then — for without these facts
before us, we shall scarcely be able rightly to estimate
subsequent events in their bearing upon the present com-
plications. As a contribution to this useful knowledge,
the present volumes of * Jerusalem Consular Chronicles '
are offered.
The intent of this history is to show the condition in
which Jerusalem and the Holy Land, the first cause and
aim of the war, were during its course, and how they
were thereby affected.
Jerusalem took no part in the war — ^her part was pas-
sive, not aggressive — and yet Jerusalem was in very
deed the cause of the war — the prize, for possession of
which two of the combatants were striving — ^the one
(Eussia) in attack upon Turkey, the other (France) in
defence, with Turkey.
We had in the Crimean War one more Crusade waged
for rescue of the Holy Places, only this time the Crusade
was being fought by the champion of the Eastern
Church, and there was room for doubt as to the purity
of the motives which animated that champion in his
zeal.
Fully to understand the significance of the early Cm-
sades, it is necessary to have lived at Jerusalem.
The terms Eastern and Western Churches convey but
little living reality to the mind, until one has beheld the
thronging multitudes surge around the grand central
• INTRODUCTORY NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. XXllI
point to which all thie branches of those Eastern and
Western Churches gravitate ; till one has beheld on the
spot the ceaseless strife, the never-ending antagonism and
rivalry between the two great divisions of the Eoman
World christianized. Though Eussia was not included
in the ancient Eoman World, she now appears in the lists
as champion of the same Eastern or Greek Church —
known in the East not as the Church of the GreekSj but
by the appellation imder which that church is always
called on the spot, the Church of the 'Eoom' {Le.
Eomans).
The very heart and kernel of the Eastern Question
can only be reached in the Holy City, Jerusalem, where
the Eastern and the Western Churches are still wrestling
as of old for the mastery, with all the forces, spiritual and
secular, that each can bring to bear.
Now as heretofore, disguise the object as they may,
they are striving for a prize which has not been destined
by Divine Providence for either ; and this prize is no less
than a virtual dominion over the Christian World, from a
throne of government within the Sanctuaries of the Holy
City, and the possession of that throne would involve
possession of the key to universal dominion.
Kinglake has well observed in respect to the con-
nection of the Crimean War with the Holy Places at
Jerusalem : * The mystery of Holy Shrines lies deep in
human nature. . . . For men strongly moved by the
Christian Faith it was natural to yearn after the scenes of
XXIV mTRODUCTORY NOTICE BY THE EDITOR.
the Gospel narrative/ (' Invasion of the Crimea/ vol. i.
40-41.)
And a Latin monk expressed simply and truly the
feeling of most of those who have joined, or who are
ready to join in these modem Crusades, when on being
remonstrated with about a fight which had taken place in
the very Church of the Nativity, at Bethlehem, and being
asked, * What must unbeUeving Moslems think of such
doings?' he answered, 'They see how much we love
our religion, and that we are ready to fight and die
for it;
Mr. Finn, the author of this sketch, had ample oppor-
tunities for observing the condition of Jerusalem and
Palestine before as well as during the Crimean War.
He was Consul for Jerusalem and Palestine from 1845
till 1863, and lived in the land for more than seventeen
years. Long previous study and a deep practical interest
in the Holy Land had fitted and prepared him for enter-
ing with intelhgence upon his official duties. Conversant
with political affairs, and having a personal knowledge of
European countries, he was also ready as a scholar and
linguist, to enter at once upon the variety of interesting
questions and subjects which present themselves for con-
sideration in the Holy Land.
USEFUL DATES,
Napoleon Buonaparte in Syria
Greek War of Independence begun
I^Tptians occupied Syria
The Hattri Shereef of Gulbane granted by the Sultan
The Battle of Nezib, June 24. Sultan Mahhmood died five
days after ....
Syria restored to Turkey
The Tanzim&t Hairiyeh promulgated .
War between Turkey and Rujssia
France and England, as allies of Turkey, declared war against
XvuBBia .....
Sardinia joined January 10 .
Sebastopol taken September 8 .
Hatt-i Humayoon granted February 13
Peace concluded March 30 .
YBAB
1799
1821
1831
1838
1839
1840
1841
1853
1854
1855
1855
1856
1856
CONTENTS
OP
THE FIRST VOLUME.
>0i ■
CHAPTER I.
THB EA£rrEBN QUESTION — APPROACH OP WAR.
PAGE
Departure of the Turkish battalion from Jerusalem, September 19, 1863,
for the War — Guardianship of the Christian Sanctuaries — Stealing
the silyer star at Bethlehem — ^^Ihe question of the Sanctuaries mooted
in Constantinople — 'Afeef Bej — Turkish Commissioner in Jerusalem
assembles the Christian Patriarchs at the Holy Sepulchre — Scene
at the Virgin's Sepulchre at the foot of Olivet — Settlement of the
Dispute about the Sanctuaries, April 22, 1853 — Question of Christian
protection in Turkey by Europeans now sprang up— Riimours of War
— ^Russian invasion of the Principalities 3
CHAPTER II.
THE PARTIES IN DISPUTE— GREEKS AND LATINS — THE EASTERN
AND THE WESTERN CHURCH — THEIR HISTORY.
Greek Church regarded by the Turks as Church of the countxy, since
Conquest by Omar, 636— Greeks in Palestine consist of native laity
and parish priests, with foreign Greek higher clergy and bishops —
Crusades to them a ' Papal Aggression ' — Natives of Palestine ex-
cluded from the monasteries — ^Hence all the Higher Clergy are
Foreign Greeks — Greek Convent, i.e. * Daii^ivRoom * — ^Patriarchate
— Patriarch Cyril — ^Wealth of the Convents — ^Honse property in
Jerusalem and Lands beyond the walls — Archimandrite Nikephoros
— Greek Church at the Holy Sepnlchre— Russian Gold in the Bazaars
— Armenians, their Convent and Patriarch — Their supreme Pontifi',
the Cathoghigos at Utch-Miazin, now a Russian subject — ^Russian
Church — Byzantine Empire new Rome — Syrian, Coptic and Abys-
sinian Churches in Jerusalem — Latin or Western Church — Old Rome
— Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem — Crusades — Franciscan Friars
established in Jerusalem and Bethlehem, 1234 — ' Terra-Santa * Pil-
XXVIU CONTENTS OF
PAOB
grimages — Latin Convents — Alms from Europe — Casa-Nuoya Hospice
— Convent Authorities — Statistics — Latin Festivals at various Sanc-
tuaries— Pilgrim Certificate—Bevival of Latin Patriarchate in 1848
Monsignor Joseph Yalerga — His State entrv into Jerusalem — ^Firat
public Latin ceremonial since fall of the Crusading Kingdom —
Position of the Latin Patriarch towards other Churches, and towards
the Latin Terra-Santa Convents — Licence to a Priest— Ship's Patent
for Terra-Santa 28
CHAPTER III.
SECULAB REPBESE19TATIVES OF LATIN AND QBEEK CHBISTIANITT IN
JERUSALEM.
The French ' Protectors of Christianity in the East * — ^Treaty of King
Francis L — ^Roman Catholic Christianity protected — ^Terra Santa Con-
vents— ^Their Archives — ^French Consul in State at the Sanctuaries
of Jerusalem and Bethlehem — Invasion of Syria by Napoleon Buonar
parte — ^His adoption of Moslem formula — Sir Sidney Smith in 1801
Protector of Christians — Portion of his Flagstaff on roof of Latin
Convent in Jerusalem — Richard Cceur de lion at Acre — ^Prince
Edward of England at Nazareth — ^Archhishop of Canterbury and
Bishop of Salisbury at the taking of Acre in 1191 — French tricolor
flag over Carmel Convent — ^Turks regard the French as the leading
Roman Catholic Power — Treaties — Guizot — Latin Patriarch —
Curious Firm&ns in the Latin Convent — Franks, &c.— French — Feel-
ings of the Monks — ^French visitors and pilgrims — Preparations for
receiving the Pope — Greek Catholic Patriarch — Sir John Chardin
on French negotiations in Constantinople — French Consul M. P. E.
Botta, of Nineveh celebrity — Russian Protectorate of Eastern (Greek
and Armenian) Christians — M. Basili, Russian Consul-General —
Russian travellers — Russian Sculors in English Church — Promise
by Turkey that Russia should have a Church and Hospice at Jeru-
salem— ^Archimandrite Porphyrios — Russian contributions to Greek
Convent — Purchase of Lands by Greek Convent .... 66
CHAPTER IV.
OTHER EUROPEAN CONSULATES IN JERUSALEM.
British Consulate^ the first founded in 1838— France and Russia
founded theirs in 1843^ Austrian in 1849 — Sardinian Consulate-
Spanish in 1864 — Protection of Anglican Bishopric by English and'
Prussian Consuls — M. Pizzamano^ Austrian Consul — Br. Schidtz, first
Prussian Consul — Succeeded by Br. G. Rosen — Prussian Congrega-
tion and Institutions — ^Commercial and Political Consulates — ^Legal
functions of Consuls — ^Various people protected by the several Con-
sulates— ^The 'Capitulations' — Rank and precedence of Consuls —
THE FIRST VOLUME. XXIX
PAOK
yice-Consulfi and Oancellidies — ^Interpreters ' dragomams ' — Thdr posi-
tion— Eawwdsses or Janissaries — Editor^sNote — ^Mr. Finn, the British
Ck>n8iil — ^The yarious peoples within the territory over which the
Consulate extended — ^People protected — ^Amoiint of business trans-
acted— Consulate House . . . . < i « . . 8i
CHAPTER V.
FOSmON OF JEWS IN PALESTINE — ^PERSECUTION — ENGLISH PROTEC-'
TION OF JEWS — TBANSFEB OF RUSSIAN JEWS.
Position of Jews in Palestine — ^Four holy Cities : Jerusalem, Hebron^
Tiberias, and Safed — Sephardim, or Spanish Jews — * First in Zion/
i.e. Chief Babbi — ^HJs Council or Beth-din — Synagogues — Anhkenazinif
or European Jews from Germany, Russia, &c. — Lord Palmerston's
protection of Jews in Palestine, 1839 — ^Blood-persecution in Da-
mascus, 1840 — Further action of Lord Palmerston, 1841 — Threatened
persecution in 1847 by the Greek Christians — Scene in the Pashli's
Court — Action of ^itish Consul — Jews excluded £rom the Church
of the Holy Sepulchre — ^Transfer of Russian Jews to British protec-
tion— Special fiists observed by the Jews — ^Visit of Sir M. Montefiore
— Jewish coinage — Anointing of the Keys of Jerusalem by the Jews
— ^Dues paid to Moslems — Wailing place — ^Rachel's Sepulchre-^
Place of Slaughtering — Employment of Jews at Industrial Plantation
and Urtas — ^Industrial plans of Sir M* Montefiore — Rothschild and
the 'Hebrew Alliance' — System of SkUichuthj or Messengers —
Attachment of Israelites to the Holy Land — Chaltika, or distribu*
tion of Alms — ^Hebrew language living still — Used in the British
Consulate — ^Hebron and Safed Jews — Excellent moral character of
the Jews — Translation of Address from Russian Jews . . . 101
CHAPTER VI.
PROTESTANTS IN PALESTINE.
The Protestants in Jerusalem — ^Natives — Arabs — Europeans — Hebrew-
Christianfl — English — Germans — American Missionaries — Jewish
Mission resolve on building a Church — British authorities co-operate
— ^Egyptian Government favourable — Ottoman Government refuses —
Engliah Bishopric established in 1841 — Action of the King of Prussia
— Consecration of Bishop Alexander — Firm&n authorising the build-
ing of the Church as Consular Chapel, granted in 1841 — Consecration
of church, 1849 — ^English Mission — Origin of Native Protestantism —
Early Missionaries, English and American — Second English Bishop
— Firm&n of toleration for Protestants, 1850 — ^Nazareth disturbances,
1852 — ^Translation of the Sultan's firmans — and of the Vizierial
letter 133
yyy CONTENTS OF
CHAPTER Vn.
TURKISH GOVERNMENT IN PALESTINE.
PAOE
Pash&a — Military force — Regulars — ' Nizam ' — Irregularfl — ' BasM-
Bozuk' — ^Their pay and their duties — ^Taxation — Jaffa as Seaport —
Law Courts — ^Kadi — Mufti — Christian Evidence — Municipal Courts
— Mejlia — Reforms — Arab Office-holders — Jewish 'Beth-din* — Weak
points in the administration of Law — ^The laws in Turkey are good
in themselves — Benefits of Consular vigilance — Check upon unjust
rulers — Effect upon the Pash&s of Consular reports to the British
Embassy at Constantinople — Progress and improvement before
Crimean War — Condition of Christians materially improved before
1853 — ^Influence of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe — Injurious effect of
Russian War, in reviving fanaticism and checking progress — ^Testi-
mony of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe 159
CHAPTER Vin.
GENERAL MOSLEM POPULATION OF PALESTINE.
Improved condition of the Christians — Moslem pilgrimages to Jeru-
salem — Hharam-eshrShereef — 'Noble Sanctuary' jealously closed
against Non-^Moslems — ^Murder of a Moslem at prayer in the Sanc-
tuary— Nabloos fanaticism — Death to Apostates — Various kinds of
Moslems — jy/aAA«cn ' Peasantry ' — BeUadeen 'Town Arabs' — ^Their
dislike of Turks — Peasant or Fellah Code of Law — Thftr, or
'blood revenge' — Influence of Village clan Shaikhs — ^Turkish yoke
not heavy — ' Balance of power' — ' Divide et impera' — Turkish system
of self-government — Its disadvantages — Reforms .... 200
CHAPTER IX.
STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
Crisis as to Turkish dominion was expected in 1853 — Peasantry or
Fellahheen — KaIs and Yemen factions — Abu Gosh clan — 'Othman el
Lahham of Bait Atab and his faction — Mohamn^d 'Abd-en-Nebi and
Nimmer el 'Amleh — ^Muslehh of Bait Jibreen — ^'Abderrahhman el
Amer of Hebron — Nabloos (Shechem) — Its rival clans — Tokan and
'Abdul Hady — Peasant Warfare — Thdr or Blood revenge — Dissen-
sion— Legend of the -Devil and his son — Stirring up fitction fight —
Influence of the Shaikhs — Hafiz Pashd of Jerusalem — Hebron
troubles in 1862 — ^The Austrian and British Consuls go thither to
succour the Jews — ^'AbderrahhnuLn el 'Amer dismisses the Turkish
Governor — ^Terror of the people — ^Nabloos district and the North
also disturbed — Consular visits to those districts — State of the
country in 1853 when visited — Fighting — Truce effected by the
Pasha 226
THE FIRST VOLUME. xxxi
CHAPTER X.
ffTATE OP THE COUNTRY — COnttntied.
PAOB
Oonsular tour to tlie North — Protection of British interests — Moral
influence only — ^Tyre and Sidon — Lebanon — Excitement in Bayroot
— State kept up by the Pashft — Dresses — Reduction of Tobacco dues
— ^Moslem gratitude — Sidon and Tyre — Tibneen — Persian Prince —
Nazareth — Ghililee — Nabloos and Samaria — Return to Jerusalem . 267
CHAPTER XI.
PANICS AND FIGHTS.
Panic among the Christians — ^PashU of Jerusalem old and helpless —
Fights dose to our camp — ^The attack at sunrise — Nightly preparar
tions for fight — Efforts to set Government in motion — Battles —
Shiukh Hhamd&n — Successful intervontion — A Truce effected — A
Comet 300
CHAPTER XII.
JEBUSALEM WITHOUT A GARRISON.
Incursions of Bedaween — Our garrison of troops ordered off to the
War — ^French pilgrims — Comet and omens at departure of troops —
Mohammedan view of politics and affairs — Fears of the Christians —
Sir Hugh Rose — Why the European (Frank) Sovereigns help the
Sultan 327
CHAPTER XIII.
JERUSALEM AND PALESTINE WITHOUT TURKISH TROOPS.
Tufenkchies — ^Thievery in the City — News of the Russian War — Latin
Patriarch at Bait Jala — A lodgement effected in behalf of the Latins
— General Sir Charles CDonnell — Convent bigotiy — Protestanta in
Bethlehem — The Rev. John Nicolayson — Safety in our Camp —
Fighting in the Villages — Endeavours to stop the Slaughter — 800
Bedaween between Jerusalem and Bethlehem — Bedaween in Beth-
lehem— Strange contrasts of W^ar and Peace 349
1 i
XXXU CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
CHAPTER XIV.
QUIET AMIDBT DISTURBANCES.
PAoa
Arrival of Troope — Proclamation of the War — ^Robberies near the
City — ^Village Fightings— Uneasiness in Nabloos and in Jaffii — Ab-
derrahhman at Hebron Troublesome — ^Departure of the TsaiA —
Petition of the Moslems — Daily life — Safety of the English Colony
and Immunity from Annoyance ..».,.« S83
CHAPTER XV. ^
THE JERUSALEM DISTRICT WITHOUT A PABhI.
TurMah diplomacy in ruling — Condition of Nabloos and North Pales- %
tine — ^LuHvility of the Militajy Commandant and of the Kadi checked
— ^'Akeeli Aga and his career — Mission of the Consular Kaww&s —
Emir-Sa'ad ed Deen Shehabi of Hhasbeya Tisits Constantinople
against his will) and learns a lesson there 4
CHAPTER XVI.
CORN AT FAMINE PRICE.
Distress in Jerusalem — Com kept out of the Market — Poor Jews
suffering — Com sent for by us — Distribution of loaves — Corn brought
in by a natiT^*— Snow and rain — Charitable conduct of a Moslem-^
Another Moslem loweiB the price — Good harvest .... 436
CHAPTER XVII.
ARRIVAL OF TAKOOB PAShI.
A PashjL of ancient fiunily — Quiet restored — Pilgrims — Oreeks-^Moe-
lems — Indian and Tartar Durweeshes and Convents — Establishment
of a Spanish Consulate — ^French war-ships on the coast — French
pilgrims — Latin Patriarch^s triumph in Bait Jaki-^English Travellers
— Queen's Birthday — ^Eubrisli Pashjl now Grand Vizier — Arrest of
' three Effendis — Chief of the Police arrested at the instance of the
British Consulate and convicted of robbery — No English ships on the
coast — ^News and rumours— Position of Austria and Prussia — News
of the War, both true and false . ., 450
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PART I.
PRECEDING THE DECLAMTION OF WAE
VOL. I. B
CHAPTER I.
THE EASTERN QUESTION — ^APPBOACH OF WAR.
Departure of the Turkish battalion from Jeruaalem, September 10, 1863, for
the War — ^Guardianship of the Ohristian Sanctuaries — Stealing the silyer
star at Bethlehem — Ihe question of the Sanctuaries mooted in Constan-
tinople— ^'Afeef Bej — Turkish Commissioner in Jerusalem assembles
the Christian Patriarchs at the Holy Sepulchre — Scene at the Virgin's
Sepulchre at the foot of Olivet — Settlement of the Dispute about the
Sanctuaries, April 22, 1853 — Question of Christian protection in Turkey
by Europeans now sprang up — Rumours of War— ^Russian invasion of
the Principalities.
On September 19, 1853, a large proportion of the in-
habitants of Jerusalem was assembled on the Meid&n or
public promenade, at that time in existence ^ to the west
of the city, and near the walls, to witness a benediction
of the battalion with its colours, which was leaving us for
scenes of warfare in defence of D&ru'l Islftm^ or territory
of Mohammedan possession.
Such an event had not occurred there since the era
of the Crusades, for at the period of the French invasion
of Egjrpt and Expedition to Palestine, in 1799, Jerusalem
had no force to send out : it was then a poor deteriorated
town, although enclosed then, as now, by crenellated Walls
with gates and stout towers for a citadel, its only mili-
tary occupation being that of a handful of Bashi-bozuk ;
' The new Russian buildings, erected since the Crimean war, now occupy
the space formerly devoted to the Public Promenade or Meidan.
B 2
4 DEPARTURE OF TROOPS FROM JERUSALEM.
and therefore the French general was entirely in the
right for his strategical object when he advanced straight
towards Acre, without apprehension of consequences from
leaving Jerusalem in his rear. At that time the strongest
edifices in the city were the several Christian convents,
strong as buildings, but tenanted only by timid ill-used
monks. A peculiar character of sanctity was, indeed,
impressed upon the place, in accordance with the several
creeds of its population, whether derived from possession
of the Holy Sepulchre by the professors of one faith, or of
the Hharam esh Shereef by those of another, or by the
reverence of a third community, who lived comparatively
unnoticed, for a fragment of the western wall of the
old Temple of Israel. But a slumber of ages had at that
time eliminated from Jerusalem all public spirit, or means
even of self-defence, much more every possibility of con-
tributing to external warfare.
Our parade inspection and the pubhc prayers were
followed by acclamations of the multitude ; and as the
column marched off, with the Syrian sun glinting along
the moving steel — for they marched with fixed bayonets
— and as the latest trumpet-notes died away in the dis-
tance, we were left behind with leisure for meditation on
the novel condition of affairs and speculation as to the
eventualities of an unknown future.
Nineteen years ^ having now elapsed since that date,
we have sufiicient opportunity for reviewing, in the light
of other transactions, the motives and the acts which for
some time before had been preparing the crisis of that
day ; and in so doing we are assisted by the fact that the
* These words were written in 1872 bj the author. — Ed.
ORIGIN OF THE CRIMEAN WAR. 5
originating circumstances were connected with Jerusalem
itself, for all the world knows that the Eussian war of
1853 to 1856 sprang from a controversy about the rights
of guardianship at the Christian Sanctuaries of Jerusalem
and Bethlehem, as claimed by the convents respectively of
Latin and Greek rite.
The near connection in which the Latin and Greek
communities stand as either joint or part guardians of the
Sanctuaries which belong to our Lord's history — a matter
of such solemn import to both — soon degenerated into
hostility and strife, not for a dogma or a creed, as
Christendom has in other places so often witnessed, but
for possession or custody of locality, inch by inch ; and
this state of things was perpetuated through the lapse of
several centuries. The animosity ripened into personal
violence, to the scandal of other Christians who heard of
such doings from a distance, and the ridicule or contempt
of unbelievers.
The weapons used in such warfare were indeed carnal,
even bodily fists, besides crucifixes and huge wax tapers
taken from the very altars. In 1846 the author had in
hand, fresh fijom such a battle, a narrow plank of cedar
wood which had covered one of the rents in the rock of
traditional Calvary, and was inscribed with a Greek state-
ment to that purport in characters of silver laid on : this
had been torn up from its site, and spUt across in the fray.
Such combats were not, however, confined to Greeks
and Latins, though these were the antagonists in ques-
tions of proprietorship of the main objects of rever-
ence. I have known of two such occurrences between
Greeks and Armenians — one in Bethlehem, when the
6 DISPUTES, GUARDIANSHIP OF SANCTUARIES,
«
former laid down a carpet over nearly all the approach to
the altar of the Armenians, and then defied the latter to
tread upon it. This of course led to altercation of tongue
and to violence, in which severe wounds were inflicted,
and on hearing of which the townspeople rushed into
the church, breaking down the locked and bolted door,
and took share in the proceedings according to their re-
spective factions. The other was in Jerusalem between
the same parties for first receiving of the Holy Fire from
the Sepulchre on Easter Eve in 1853.
Similar scenes have been occasionally described in the
published journals of travellers, but we are here limited
to what was actually witnessed within a given epoch by
residents in the country, to doings which are scarcely to
be mentioned with patient moderation of language, con-
sidering the character of the places, and the professional
offices of the personages concerned.
It is an error, however common, to apply the term
' rights of property ' to what should rather be designated
as * custody ' of the Holy places ; for strictly speaking the
property is that of the Sultan of Turkey, as its terri-
torial suzerain. This proprietor had at diflerent pre-
vious epochs accorded, by Firm&ns or other documents,
the care of the venerated objects to one or other of the
Christian communities, and thus much indeed is implied
in the very fact of appealing to those documents during
the dispute. It is important to bear this distinction in
mind, as it follows necessarily therefrom that the terri-
torial sovereign might, upon sufficient cause appearing to
himself, transfer his indulgence to either party fix)m the
other as he pleased. This, however, is but an abstract
SULTAN OF TURKEY, PROPRIETOR. GREEKS AND LATINS. 7
position : it does not appear that the contrarieties lately
complained of as existing among the documents emanating
from the Porte on these matters were ever based upon
a calculation of either deserving or undeserving.
In past ages the Turks at the capital were in the habit
of bestowing or withdrawing such favours in amusing
alternation, at one time patronising the Greek church as
consisting mainly of their own subjects ; at another keep-
ing these in check by chastisements in the form of depri-
vation, and thus flattering the French kings as represen-
tatives of Latin Christianity : in both instances receiving
large pecuniary presents and fees, while at the same time
proudly upholding their own prerogative of dominion,
which they never frittered away for money consideration.
Local quarrels at Jerusalem frequently took place
between the parties interested, when the Vizierial letters,
or Firmfi^ns, relating to the Sanctuaries, were antagonistic,
until in 1757 they became so serious that by a Hhatti
Shereef the Latins were deprived of the church at Beth-
lehem, the tomb of the Virgin Mary near Gethsemane,
and the custody of the Holy Sepulchre, with only tolera-
tion to worship at each, all prior concessions notwith-
standing.
■
After the fire in 1808, which consumed large portions
of the contiguous buildings, besides the chapel itself, of
the Holy Sepulchre, the Greek Christians, in respect of
the above Hhatti Shereef, and of their being subjects of
the Porte, Were authorised (most happy privilege !) to
repair the damages at their own expense. Hence it is
that to this day we see Greek inscriptions, in an artistic
quaint character, about the Sepulchre and the Stone of
8 ALTERCATIONS. FRANCE AND RUSSIA INTERFERE
the Angel, and Greek pictures on the exterior of the
chapel.
€
(JlLKYrliCE 5^1 HieS€KTfc
After the repairs had been made by the Greeks, fresh
altercation ensued, so violent that in 1819 the French
and Eussian Governments were called into action on be-
half of their respective chents there. King Louis XVIII.
and the Emperor Alexander, though recently made
friends by the most intimate political ties, were thus
drawn into a dispute about Jerusalem, not for a crusade
against imbelievers, but in opposition to each other —
the former as hereditary * Protector of Christianity in
the East,*^ meaning his own section of Christendom ; the
latter as monarch of the majority of adherents to the
Greek Orthodox Church, to which also the majority of
Christians in Turkey belonged : neither of them having
the least item of poHtical right for intervention beyond
the meanings of words which might be wrung out of
friendly favours granted by the sovereign of the country.
As a desirable prehminary, envoys from each side
were sent into Palestine for collecting information on
the spot, M. Marcellus in the French interest, and M.
Dashkoff in that of the Eussians. All seemed in a fair
way towards adjustment when the Greek war of Inde-
THE EGYPTIAN OCCUPATION OF SYRIA. 9
pendence broke out (1821), and the enthusiasm of the
French in aid of the revolt brought about a new complica-
tion. The Turks would then listen to no overtures from
either sid^, but treated Greek orthodox and French
Cathohcs as hostile to Ottoman domination, and so both
the convents, with their adherents in Jerusalem, had to
shift for themselves, subject to personal severities and
pecuniary imposts, which might have ended in massacres
had the inmates been laity instead of clergy and monks.
The episode of the Egyptian hold upon Syria, from
1832 to 1840, placed other obstacles in the way of coming
to an understanding respecting the Sanctuaries. If he
had taken part with either side, Mohammed Ali would
probably have favoured the Latins, in consideration of
the number of Franks employed in his military and civil
service ; but owing to his indifference for any creed, his
policy became rather that of keeping down all such
litigation with an arm of iron, in the temper which
pervaded his whole administration, — ^for under him the
natives felt the roughshod ruling to correspond with
their own proverb —
Ez-Zulmeh 1)e-flaweejeh
Adaleh le ra' aeeyeh
(tyranny with equaUty is righteousness to its subjects),
and they preferred that style of government to the alter-
nate slip-shod heedlessness and viUanous cruelty of the
old Turkish era. Such disputes therefore had no exist-
ence in the Egyptian period.
The Turks were restored to Syria at the end of 1840,
rather more liberal in profession than they had been
before leaving the country, and next year promulgated
the Hhatti Shereef of Gulhftneh, which conceded a theo-
10 SYRIA RESTORED TO TURKEY.
retical equality (far firom practical) among all classes of
subjects.
In 1846 they had a man of vigour for the Governor
of Jerusalem and its dependencies, Mehemet Kubrusli
Pashk, who made short work with monkish dissensions
in his day.^ The two Easters, European and Oriental,
happening to come together that year, the disputants, for
first turn of celebration on the altar of Calvary in the eve
of Good Friday, became combatants : many woimds were
both given and received from articles of sacred use.
At last his Excellency brought up a military force, and
with his own hands removed the Greek altar-cloth of
coloured silk and gold, which had been forcibly placed
above the Latin altar-cloth of white linen. Complaint
was made at Constantinople of his sacrilegious partiality,
but with no result.
The next year, however (1847), another governor
of inferior mental calibre being in office, we learned one
morning in November that a strange affair had occurred
m Bethlehem. Close adjoining the Holy Manger there is
another site of even higher veneration, which is sur-
rounded by lamps of silver and gold perpetually burning,
and marked out by a silver star let into a slab of
marble on the floor, and the star contains these words
in Latin — ' Here Jesus Christ was bom of the Virgin
Mary ' — an inscription admirable in its very simplicity.
This had been placed there above a century ago by
devout votaries of the Latin communion, and surely
^ This Pasha afterwards rose to be Ambassador in England ; then Seri-
asker, or Oonimander-in-Ohief ; and he firally attained to the highest dig^
nity of all — ^the office of Gmnd Vizier. He died only a few years ago.
STEALING THE SILVER STAR FROM BETHLEHEM. 11
any stranger to the habitual rivalries of the place would
suppose that there at least all animosities should be
hushed, seeing that both parties concurred in the belief
that the words were true ; but alas ! they axe in Latin
and not Greek — the star was therefore regarded as a
badge of conquest, intolerable to the Orientals, although
on the other part we have never heard of the Latins
attempting to deface the Greek inscriptions at the Holy
Sepulchre in Jerusalem.
News however arrived among us that, on repairing to
the Sanctuary for early morning sernce, the Latin monks
found the silver star was no longer there, and that tokens
of violence used in wrenching it away were evident.
This event proved a turning point for questions of pro-
tection of the holy places in higher quarters, which the
French authorities then took up in thorough earnest.
The abstraction of the silver star fix)m the crypt at
Bethlehem had, it seems, been preceded by a bodily
conflict in the church. The Greek monks during one
night had run up a temporary wall in a certain situation,
which would shut out the Latin processions from access
to the Sanctuary for performance of daily services at
the ' Manger.' The Latin president, with his brethren, at
once proceeded to remove that obstruction, when the
others rushed out, and a fight ensued, in which several
Greek priests, and (it is said) a bishop, took part, and
wounds were inflicted on both sides.
Either on the succeeding night, or very speedily after
it, the star w^as stolen, and what became of it has never
yet been ascertained. The Latin monks, with tiieir
clergy and laity, declare that the Greeks took it, and
12 ACCUSATIONS AND COUNTER- ACCUSATIONS,
carried it off to their convent of Mar Saba in the wil-
derness, where great rejoicing was made over the booty
acquired from their adversaries. They assert likewise
that a certain Greek priest of Bethlehem, who was
named, was missing from his convent at that precise
time without returning thither.^ They argue, with
every probability of reason, that the sacrilege cannot be
laid to their charge, for the star was a pennanent token
of their property in the spot where it was laid, and
inscribed in their own language : their object of desire
must therefore have always been to keep it there, or if
any motive could have led them towards such a pro-
ceeding, they would not have torn the star away by
hasty violence, as in this instance was apparent, for one
of the screws was still in its place with a fragment of
the silver attached to it, as I myself saw to be the case.
In after controversy on the subject, it was argued on
the other side that the Latins did it with a design of
casting odium on their suffering rivals, and of exciting
compassion on their own behalf; also that five years
previously the Latins had complained at the Porte of
the Greeks designing to steal it, when they alone had
even dreamed of such a thing, and, in consequence,
had obtained an injunction against its removal. This
fact showed that the deed, when at last committed, was
that of the Latins, for the Greeks, being subjects of
Turkey, would not have ventiu:ed to disobey the Vizierial
' The object stolen is not the same, but this event bears a curious I'esem-
blance to that of Tasso's * Jerusalem DeliTered/ Canto II. 8 : —
Non rivide I'immagine doT* ella
Fu posta; 6 invan* cerconne in altro lato^ etc.
EXCITEMENT. THE CONSULS INTERFERE. 13
order. This does not seem to be a valid plea ; it might
rather tell in the opposite direction, namely, that five
years before 1847 there had been grounds for fearing
that the sacrilege 'was intended.
However, the tidings spread rapidly over the country,
and M. Marabutti, the Eussian Vice-Consul at Jaffa
(there was then no Consular office in the Greek interest
at Jerusalem), hastened up to make enquiries on the spot.
The French Consul in Jerusalem, M. Helouis-Jorelle,
appears to have been rather apathetic on the matter, so
much so that the discontented Franciscans^ threatened
to place themselves (which, however, would not have
been possible) under Turkish rule, and to register in the
British Consulate a deed declaratory of their reason for
doing so.
The Sardinian Consul then began to take up the
matter on the ground of the president of * Terra Santa '
being an Itahan subject. The friars, however, did not
attach much importance to his good ofiices ; but this
step being taken, the French Consul began to stir himself,
and ran to an opposite extreme. He repaired to the
Pashk, and * in the name of France ' demanded to have
the star replaced, without trusting to the dilatoriness of
any investigation whatever.
Civic Councils of the Mohammedan Grandees were
held for deliberation, and reports were forwarded to
superior authorities on all sides at Bayroot and Constan-
tinople. In one of these to his Government, the Pashk
stated : * I should have been able to recover the star at
^ At this period the Franciscans were the sole representatives of the
Latin Church.
14 THE MATTER TAKEN UP IN CONSTANTINOPLE.
the very beginning if the French Consul had not meddled
in the business,' — a very Turkish expression, capable of
various and opposite interpretations, but which, at any
rate, showed his inadequate conception of the gravity
of the case : looking upon it as he would have done on
any police affair of petty larceny, imagining that if the
article was restored, no more need be said about it, and
no party be held amenable to the accusation of sacrilege.
The business was transferred to Constantinople, and
the discussions between the Porte and the Ambassadors
inevitably brought up that of rights pertaining to the
two leading Christian Churches in Jerusalem and Bethle-
hem, as the arrangers of the theft doubtless intended it
should do — ^rights which, so long as the Turkish monarch
abstained from disturbing them (and by no conceivable
sort of circumstances could it be imagined he would pre-
sume to abrogate them in the face of all Christendom),
practically amounted to those of actual property. The
Mohammedan ruler would seem to have reserved to
himself no more than the power to adjust the conditions
of custody.
The French were the first to moot the subject of these
general claims in Constantinople. This was done in 1850
when General Aupick, the ambassador, appealed to the
Treaty of 1740 between Prance and the Porte, in which
the 33rd article runs thus : —
* The Latin monks residing at present, as heretofore,
within and without Jerusalem, and in the church of the
Holy Sepulchre, called Edmame,^ shall continue to pos-
' Sometimes in Turkish written Kemameli : its real name is Ki&meh, t.^.
the Resurrection. The term employed in this text is a most opprohrious
epithet invented by the Moslem rulers^
FRENCH CLAIMS TO PROTECTORATE OF CHRISTIANS. 15
sess the places of pilgrimage which they now possess, in
the same manner as they have heretofore possessed them ;
and they shall not be molested by demands for contribu-
tions ; and if they should be engaged in any law-suit
which cannot be decided on the spot, it shall be referred
to our Sublime Porte.'
This treaty, however, owing probably to the political
events in France during the interval, had been long suf-
fered to pass unnoticed, while the Greek convents had
procured several concessions to their advantage ; yet
taking up the document as it stands, and pointing to this
cited clause, we have the topic still open to discussion, in
what manner, and to what extent did the Latins hold the
' places of pilgrimage * heretofore, Le. previous to 1740.
General Aupick assured Sir S. Canning that the appeal
for decision was in nowise a political one ; it was on a
mere question of property already defined by express
treaty. But our ambassador, reporting this at home, saw
that it would be extremely diflScult to separate that ques-
tion from national politics and embarrassments of the
highest class.
During the discussion the French accused the Greek
ecclesiastics, among other matters, of having some time
before wilfully destroyed the venerable tombs of Godfrey
de Bouillon and Guy de Lusignan.
The directions from London were to watch proceed-
ings, but in no way to take part in them.
At Jerusalem the feeling was as keen upon the subject
of the great dome over the Sepulchre, as upon any other.
The fact was apparent that the dome had been by re-
peated acts rapidly, and piece by piece, stripped of sheets
16 DOME OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE WILFULLY INJURED.
of lead on its southern side ; each party, Latin and
Greek, accused the other of having done this; but a
stranger might naturally ask what could be the motive
for doing it at all ? The explanation lies in the maxim
of Turkish law, that whosoever is owner of the covering
of a house, is owner of the house ; and, of course, the
owner has the right or duty of keeping it in repair. Now
each of these parties would have been most happy to
provide funds for obtaining in this way a property so
much coveted : the repairing of the cupola being allowed
to prove the right to proprietorship. Both were willing
to represent at Constantinople the fact of rain in the
winter season pouring down through the dismantled por-
tion upon the pavement below, and to call attention to
the disturbance of divine services by the twittering of
numerous martens and swallows visiting their nests within
the dome and galleries ; also to the circumstance of the
huge timbers of the cupola having become so rotted by
exposure to the weather, that danger to life and limb
was imminent from the expected fall of the same ; and
both parties were eager to outbid the other in money at
the Porte for licence to rebuild.
This topic scarcely, if at all, appears in the corre-
spondence laid before Parliament.
It would appear that, in official form^ the appeal as to
the Sanctuaries was first laid before the Porte by M. de
Lavalette, who had at the beginning of 1852 succeeded
General Aupick in the embassy.
By February 9 the business was so far advanced
that the Turks promised, in the shape of a * Note,' to
concede to the French the right of officiating at the
FRAKCE AND RUSSIA IN DISPUTE. 17
Sepulchre of the Virgin Mary near Gethsemane, and to
leave all the other points in statu quo antk. These were
not satisfied ; but after a time agreed to the arrangement
on condition of the Ottoman Government declaring the
old treaty of 1740 to be still in force.
The Eussians, patronising the Greek orthodox claims
in the dispute, were angry at so much being conceded to
their rivals, and were only appeased by the issuing of a
* Firm&n,' which virtually nullified the ' Note ' given to
the French. These in turn took umbrage at the tergiver-
sation contained in the * Firman ; ' and the Turks, tortured
between the two, both screwing their pretensions by
threats to the utmost, at length promised the French that
the Firm4n for the Orthodox should not be publicly read
in Jerusalem. To the Eussians they promised to evade
delivering to the Latins the keys of the Bethlehem church
and of the Virgin's Sepulchre ; each device being of course
kept secret from the party which was to lose by it. The
wonder is how the Turkish Dvvkn could hope by such
very short-sighted expedients to content the powerful
parties before them ; for the period would be so very brief
before an explosion must take place, leaving themselves
in discredit and dishonour from both sides of the appel-
lants ; but, indeed, the Ottoman Government was unable
to meet the peril of the emergency, should it be pushed
to extremity : they could only hope for a miraculous in-
tervention of Providence to aid them in their duplicity.
'Afeef Bey was commissioned by them to execute at
Jerusalem the opposite acts of the Council.
In the flush of triumph attained through the Firmdn,
the Greek Patriarch of Jerusalem (who usually resides at
VOL. I. c
18 'AFEEF bey the TURKISH COMMISSIONER.
Constantinople) repaired to his diocese, where he was met
by M. Basili, the Eussian Consul-General of Syria, with
Prince Garan (the latter bearing for the occasion the
nominal office of Vice-Consul) and a suitable train of
minor officials ; they entered Jerusalem together in
great pomp of reception by the native community.
This was in the first week of September, and on the
15th they were followed by the important Commissioner,
'Afeef Bey. On the approach of the latter, the grandees
of the city, including the two native Patriarchs (Greek
and Armenian) and the Pashk in person, rode out to afford
him an honourable welcome.
The next day I paid him a visit, and found him
a gentleman of refined address, tempered by habit
and office. He very blandly said that he should pay
special attention to any information or counsel I might
be willing to give him ; but it became my duty to
assure him that I was precluded from mixing ia the
transactions then in hand. And, indeed, during all the
time of his stay I limited my intercourse with him to
topics of common and pubhc attention. This was neces-
sary, not on account of any directions ad hocj received
from official superiors, for such were generally very rare,
and in this stage of proceedings absolutely none : but
also from the difficulty of getting exact knowledge on
these matters from the parties concerned; and it was
evident, as the double-dealing of the Turks soon after-
wards came to lights that this was the best line of con-
duct to pursue.
Other Consuls, even those not chiefs in the transaction,
were not so delicate on the subject, and among the actors
CHRISTIAN PATRIAEOHS AT THE HOLt SEPULCHRE. 19
of the scenes and their adherents, what schemings, what
heart-palpitations, what reservations, what guessings at
motives, what scannings of words, one by one, as they
dropped from the Commissioner, were set in motion
during the last three months of the year 1852 I
On October 26 'Afeef Bey invited the Patriarchs and
those Consuls whose business it became, to meet him in
the Ki&meh, i.e. beneath the great dome and in front of
the Holy Sepulchre. There he made an oration, eulogising
the well-known anxiety of His Imperial Majesty the
Sultan to bestow contentment on all classes and degrees of
his subjects, and of which such abundant tokens had been
afforded to his illustrious allies, etc., etc., which harangue
he protracted till the Greek Patriarch and the Eussian
Archimandrite waxed impatient for the reading of the
Firm&n which was to secure them the long-expected
victory.
Thereupon the Bey invited all the parties to meet
him again at the Sepulchre of the Virgin, and when
assembled there he slowly read in their hearing an order
of the Sultan conferring upon the Latins the privilege of
saying mass upon that tomb on the usual commemoration
day, from which function they had been many years ex-
cluded : this grace was, however, counterbalanced by a
regulation that the altar and its orthodox ornaments or
furniture were not to be disturbed for that celebration.
Here a perfect storm arose on the part of the Latins at
this qualification of their privilege, for they declared it
impossible to oflSciate with schismatic vessels and a cruci-
fix of uncanonical material and form.
The Commissioner rushed hastily out of the hubbub
0 3
20 SCENE AT THE VIRGIN'S SEPULCHRE.
to his lodgings, but thither he was pursued by the Rus-
sians who now opened their eyes to the momentous fact
that after all the Firm&n had not been read. 'What
Firm&n ? * ' Why that Firm&n which you yourself drew
up in my presence at Constantinople/ said the Prince
Vice-Consul. * Ah I that Firmftn ; well I must say that I
have it not with me.' Basili stamped with rage, and at
last 'Afeef Bey confessed that he had received no in-
structions to bring it, or to communicate its contents.
The Russians then demanded to have a city council
of the Moslem grandees convened, with themselves and
the Greek Patriarch present, at which meeting an oflScial
answer should be given and recorded respecting the
Firmfi^n. Poor old Hafiz Pashk (at that time Governor of
Jerusalem) summoned the Effendis and the military com-
mandant to form the council ; but when they came to-
gether, there was no commissioner in attendance, and
the Pashk could only say that he had no power to enforce
the presence of a commissioner coming on a special duty
direct from the Porte — that he knew nothing about the
business on which M. Basili had desired them to meet ; he
only knew of the Sultan's benevolent disposition towards
all classes and degrees of his subjects, etc., etc. And so
ended for the moment the solemn farce, the details of
which were given me immediately afterwards by one of
the personages officially present on the Latin side, who
chuckled with admiration at the legerdemain of the Turks
to the confusion of both parties.
M. Basili promptly dispatched his Prince Vice-Consul
to Jafia to lay hold of any Arab vessel (shakhtoor) that
could be got, for conveying the tidings to Constantinople.
Next day I visited the French Consul, M. Botta, and
FIRMANS ARE NOT TREATIES. 21
found him profoundly occupied in writing, surrounded by
a mass of protocol-sized papers ; he was in excellent spirits
and said that, so far from the litigation about the Sanctu-
aries being terminated, it was only then at its proper
beginning, and it certainly seemed that this opinion of so
laborious a worker in the agitation ought to be considered
to a good extent well founded.
In the above proceedings it was natural for the
Eussians to attach so much importance to the Firm&n,
seeing that in such matters they had nothing but Firmans
to rest upon, and could have no other documents, the
Greeks of Jerusalem being Eayahs (subjects of the
Sultan), while the Latin cause was based upon the
superior obligations of a treaty : the difference is this>
that a Firm&n is a temporary grant from the Sultan to his
subjects, which may possibly on after occasions be re-
voked or changed ; but a treaty is a mutual covenant
between equals, which can only be cancelled by consent
of both parties.
The Turks then adroitly crowned their diplomacy, by
sending a new silver star to Bethlehem, as a present from
the Sultan, and thus removed this dangerous cause of
dispute ; the inscription is again in Latin.^ The replace-
^ Does it not seem incredible that, notwithstcmding all these proceedings
and the great war that followed, the very same sacrilege should he attempted
afresh in 1S63 or 1864 P The following is found in Consul Rhodes's * Jeru-
salem as it is' (London, 1805). At Bethlehem 'we remarked that the nails
which secured the points of the silver star to the marble slab, on the birth-
place, had been drawn out and the star loosened. This had been done bj
the Greeks the night previous to our arrival with the design of removing the
star, because of the Latin inscription it bears, which is very obnoxious to
them .... The Greeks, however, in their attempt to tear off the star, were
surprised by a body of Franciscan monks, who called in the usual peace-
makers between the quarrelling Christians of Palestine, the Turkish soldiers,
who at once put a stop to the vandalism.' (P. 122.)
22 KEYS GIVEN TO THE LATINS. ANGER OF RUSSIA.
ment was performed with much ceremony by the Latin
Patriarch, to the infinite delight of his spiritual subjects,
three days before Christmas, so as to be ready for the
midnight Mass. At the same time the keys of both the
great church there, and of the Crypt of the Holy Manger,
were delivered to the Latins by the Commissioner, whose
labours thus were closed.
The anger and disappointment of the Orthodox Church
both in Syria and Eussia were extreme. Our Parlia-
mentary Blue-Books describe the state of mind of the
great Czar at this betrayal of what he considered his
rights; and the despatch to Baron Brunnow declaring
the Imperial sentiment was immediately followed by the
march of the fifth corps darmee to the frontier of the
Danube, to be followed again by the fourth, the total
amounting to 144,000 men, and shortly afterwards, during
the Austrian remonstrance against the Turks putting down
by force the insurrection of Montenegro (or Kara-dagh, in
Turkish), the Russians took the opportunity of grafting
upon that remonstrance (which, however, did not belong
to them, being entirely an Austrian question) a protest
and threat of their own; but these are matters of
European history rather than ours, and would have been
so exclusively, had not the Czar appended to the instruc-
tions given to their mission extraordinary at Constanti-
nople the subject of the Holy places in Palestine.
The connecting link between Montenegro and Jeru-
salem was a thread of extreme tenuity, scarcely percep-
tible without explanation, namely that in both localities
the Turks were supposed to be oppressors of Christianity
under the form of that orthodox creed which Bussia
upholds.
PRINCE MENSHIKOFP AND BRITISH AMBASSADOR. 23
The European politics of the Latin cause received an
additional impetus at the same tilne from the elevation of
Louis Napoleon to the Empire of the French, a circum-
stance which undoubtedly threw immense weight into
that scale.
Prince Menshikoff arrived at Constantinople on the
special mission with the new year 1853, during the
absence of the chiefs of both French and English
Embassies. The comportment of the Prince forms an
episode in history not easily forgotten by students of the
Blue-Books, or of the pictorial pages of Kinglake.
The English Ambassador, now raised to the peerage,
returned from London just in time to mediate, at their own
request, between the disputants for the Holy places, with
respect to which two great points had been already de-
cided : — L The silver star and the keys of Bethlehem ;
2. The annual service at the Virgin's Sepulchre. But
some delicate though minor items were as yet unsettled.
They were matters chiefly of routine or precedence which
the outside world would regard as of little value, but
which were not so considered by the heated parties
engaged about them. In little more than a fortnight all
was concluded upon a footing which stiU subsists, and
is likely to do so until some national convulsion, such as
a European conquest of Syria, shall require a new arrange-
ment.
The Sultan's share in the happy termination amounted
to this, that the silver star was to be looked upon as his
donation, without conferring any exclusive right upon
the Latins notwithstanding the language of its inscription,
and the great Cupola of the Ki&meh was to be repaired at
24 DISPUTE SETTLED.
his cost, without alteration in its forra.^ And thus ended
the controversy upon Convent privileges or rights in
Jerusalem and Bethlehem, April 22, 1853.
Yet the matter of Christian protection in Turkey by
Europeans, which had been called up, now showed itself
like the cockatrice from the serpent's root CIsaiah xvi. 29).
The simile of a Phoenix springing from the ashes of its
predecessor would not here apply, inasmuch as the new
apparition was no creature of beauty, but a ghastly
monster which arose, menacing sorrow and destruction to
large hosts of mankind.
In this sketch of Palestine during the Eussian war it
is not intended to discuss the politics of London, Paris,
St. Petersburg, Constantinople or Vienna : these can be
suflSciently learned elsewhere, and indeed they were not
clearly understood at the time in Jerusalem, excepting
such incidents as the never-to-be-forgotten conversations
of the Czar with Sir H. Seymour respecting * the sick man,'
and the division of his property — the proceedings of
Prince Menshikoff at the Porte, and the fate that befell
his ultimatum. In the expected dislocation of Eastern
aflairs we should probably have been surprised at no
unusual occurrence, hardly perhaps at a French or
Russian invasion, which, however, among oflScials, was a
topic kept out of conversation : of rumours we had an
ample fci^iDply. Those were not the days for us of daily
telegraphic oe^mtches, but the uneasy pubhc mind re-
quired food for s^culation. That food was provided by
» This item was afteiwards modified by consent of aU concerned. The
dome was repaired and Tl^hXy decorated in 1869, at the joint expense of the
three Emperors (French, Russian, and Turlrish), after protracted delays since
the project was first hrouLht forward.
I
RUMOURS OF WAR. GUNPOWDER SMUGGLED. 25
foreign consuls and their dependants, by travellers, by
the convents, and by the Turkish employes or bazaar
newsmongers. Strange was the medley; and feverish
restlessness was the effect created.
Sometimes the German Consular folk circulated
(often prematurely) inconsistent intelligence about Eussia
and Austria at Constantinople ; for the after policy of the
German Powers was not at that time exactly defined.
Then a traveller from the United States reported what he
had seen of the French fleet at Toulon, where there were
thirty-seven ships of the line, four of them above 120 guns
each, ready to set sail at command in thirty minutes.
Again in the middle of April, at Jaffa, an attempt was
discovered to smuggle in twenty-three barrels of gun-
powder by a Bethlehemite of the Greek rite ; the powder
was seized and sequestrated into the castle there ; the
lighterman was imprisoned, ki such a crisis the circum-
stance was not without its significancy. Were the native
Greeks preparing to help the Eussian cause directly, or
only indirectly, by selling gunpowder to the peasantry and
thus promoting their faction fights, by which the country
might be thrown into a state of anarchy? About the
same time our English travellers in the hotel became
accustomed, as I w«s told, to indulge in plain speaking on
the subject of Eussian spies. This was done with unusual
emphasis one day, expressing a hope that if there should
be any such unhappy persons among the strangers present,
they should hear something that might do them good ;
and at that moment a gentleman, not English, was seated in
a comer of the long sofa, reading my ' Britannia ' news-
paper, which had been sent down for travellers' use.
26 RUSSIAN EMBASSY LEAVES THE CAPITAL.
The speakers went on, each one retailing anecdotes that
had come to his knowledge while traversing the conti-
nent of Europe, about spies frequenting the ' tables d'h6te.'
Thus was mere daily chat infected with the all-pervading
topic.
Next in the same month of April we learned from
*the ordinary, sources of public intelligence' that the
authorities in Trieste were carrying out martial law with
vigour against the English, as well as against the inhabi-
tants of the place, but that had possibly no immediate
connection with the great Eastern question which ab-
sorbed our attention. War gossip filled the air.
Then, at the end of May, we were assured that H. E.
Easheed Pashk being again in office as Grand Vizier, war
had been declared by Turkey against Kussia. The
French and Prussian Consuls were positive on the sub-
ject, but the Austrian was diplomatically not so certain.
On the contrary, June 3, Count Nostitz, commander of a
Eussian ship of war, on his arrival told us that he had
left Alexandria on the 21st ult., where at that date
they had not heard of Prince Menshikoff leaving Con-
stantinople.
On the 7th we heard for certain that the Bussian
Embassy had left the capital ; but it was said that this did
not of itself amount to a declaration of war.
The Austrian Consul was now sure that hostilities
were to commence on the 3rd of Bairam (probably this
meant Shawwal), that is to say after the lapse of a month,
as it was probable the 'Ul^ma calculated upon that being
a fortunate day for beginning so weighty an enterprise.
At last on the 13th came intelligence of importance, for
RUSSIAN INVASION OF THE PMNCIPALmES. 27
we learned that the Muscovites had entered the Danubian
principalities on the 27th ult., and that as this move very
seriously concerned Austria as well as Turkey, the former
had found it necessary to adopt correspondent action,
and had pronounced itself to be in alliance with England
and France. Prussia was said to have done so a fortnight
earlier, but no Power had as yet in form declared war.
In reality, however, the tedious Vienna conferences
dragged on for three months longer, with the aim of
averting if possible the evils of warfare upon so large a
scale as was impending over us.
On receipt of the tidings that Eussia had really in-
vaded the principalities, I sent to the Eussian Archiman-
drite Porphyrios, enquiring if the news could be depended
on. He replied that their army had really entered
Wallachia (as the two provinces were then usually called
throughout Turkey), and, pointing to luggage lying ready
for transport upon mules and camels, said, ' See I am
preparing to leave you at a minute's notice.'
That day the French and Prussian Consuls went off to
Bayroot and Constantinople in search of information and
instructions as to conduct ; they remained about three
weeks absent.
28
CHAPTER n.
THE PARTIES IN DISPUTE — GREEKS ATO) LATINS —
THE EASTERN AND THE WESTERN CHURCH — THEIR HISTORY.
Greek Church regarded by the Turks as Church of the country, since Con-
quest by Omar, CdiV-Oreeks in Palestine consist of native laity and
parish priests, with foreign Greek higher clergy and bishops — Crusades to
them a 'Papal Aggression* — Natives of Palestine excluded from the
monasteries — ^Hence all the Higher Cleiyry are Foreign Greeks — (h«ek
Convent, i.e. 'Dair-er-Room* — Patriarchate — Patriarch Cyril — Wealth of
the Convents — House property in Jerusalem and Lands beyond the
Walls — Archimandrite Nikephoros — Greek Church at the Holy Sepulchre
— Russian Gold in the Bazaars — Armenians, their Convent and Patri-
arch— Their supreme Pontiff, the Cathoghigos at Utch-Miazin, now a
Russian subject — ^Russian Church — Byzantine Empire new Rome — Syrian,
Coptic and Abyssinian Churches in Jerusalem — Latin or Western Church
— Old Rome — Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem— Crusades — Franciscan
Friars established in Jerusalem and Bethlehem, 1234 — ' Terra-Santa' Pil-
grimages— Latin Convents — Alms from Europe — Casa-Nuova Hospice —
Convent Authorities — Statistics — Latin Festivals at various Sanctuaries
— Pilgrim Certificate — ^Revival of Latin Patriarchate in 1848 — Monsignor
Joseph Valesga — His State entry into Jerusalem — First public Latin
ceremonial since fall of the Crusading Kingdom — Position of the Latin
Patriarch towards other Churches, and towards the Latin Terra-Santa
Convents — Licence to a Priest — Ship's Patent for Terra Santa.
Before proceeding with a narrative of events, it may be
as well to remind ourselves with special clearness as to
who were the parties in dispute for the Holy places, and
how they were circumstanced.
In common parlance they are designated the Latins
and the Greeks — i.e. the ' Catholic ' and the ' Orthodox '
THE GREEK CHURCH IN PALESTINE. 29
churches, respectively — ^whether correctly so named with
regard to theology is not our concern ; but such are their
self-assumed appellations. The Greek Church was re-
garded by the Turkish Government as the church of the
country, estabhshed before the Moslem conquest by
Omar.
In Jerusalem the Greek commimion consists of native
(Palestine) laity and their parish clergy, with foreign, that
is to say, real Greek archimandrites and bishops presiding
over them. These people, as a Church, are representatives
of the primitive Hebrew and Syrian Christians of the
coimtry, and also of the Greek Christian Empire, in
succession of race, church, language, and residence. They
are the same community that held out Jerusalem against
the Caliph Omar, and with whom, on their surrender, he
made his treaty of capitulation, a.d. 636. The fullest
account of their ecclesiastical organisation is to be found
in Williams's * Holy City,' second edition.
To them the period of the Crusades, beginning in the
eleventh century, was one of sheer disaster. It was one
of ' P^tpal aggression,' for the Latin Church then became
dominant under a Latin Patriarch, and their ' Orthodox *
clergy, being displaced, took refuge at first in Petra, then
elsewhere as they could find shelter ; but on the restora-
tion of Moslem rule by Saladin, the native Christians
received once more their proper clergy, smiling, we may
suppose, at their departing oppressors styling themsleves
' Catholic;
In the sixteenth century the Orthodox Committee in
Constantinople, which is named the ' Brethren of the
Holy Sepulchre,' under their Patriarch Germanus, passed
30 THE GREEK PATRIARCH OF JERUSALEM.
enactments excluding natives of Palestine from their
monasteries for ever, and whereas in this, as in all Oriental
churches, the bishops and other dignitaries are elected
from among the monks only, the natives are thus ren-
dered incapable of attaining to office or dignity ecclesias-
tical ; they can only become secular clergy, that is to say,
parish curates, who are commonly married men, miserably
poor.
It so comes to pass that the entire administration of
this ancient church throughout Palestine is understood to
be in the hands of the ' Dair-er-Boom,' i.e. the Greek
convent, the popular concrete designation of the whole.
The Patriarch of Jerusalem, ruling over the territories
of Palestine, Phoenicia, Idumaea, and Arabia Petrasa, is
always a foreigner, and almost always an absentee at
Constantinople, conducting politics and intrigues with the
Porte.
The Greek Patriarch in 1853 was Cyril, a fine old
gentleman of great urbanity of manner — self-possessed
and dignified — not easily to be forgotten by anyone whom
he received in the spacious rooms of the Greek convent,
where he lived when in Jerusalem. The great divan of
scarlet, over which was spread a leopard-skin, was in
good keeping with the stately figure of the Patriarch, in
his robes of rich black satin, with immense diamonds
and emeralds surrounding the enamel painting of the
Eedeemer on his breast.
The Greek convent is to the Moslems and Turks the
representative body of this chief among the Christian
communities, as they naturally regard the Greek Church,
which was the one in possession when Omar conquered
THE CHRISTIAN CONVENTS. 31
Jerusalem, and with whom the terms of capitulation were
arranged. The other Churches have also their respective
convents.
All the convents — Greek, Latin, and Armenian —
possess untold riches in jewels and goi^eous vestments, the
presents of foreign monarchs or other great benefactors
— the vestments more numerous than can be crowded
for exhibition into any single celebration with however
many changes of mitres, dalmatics, or chasubles. Those
of the Latin convent were in modem times derived mostly
from Spain and Austria. The Greek and Armenian
convents receive costly presents from Eussia, and from
wealthy votaries in Constantinople. The latter has re-
sources also among the richest merchants of their com-
munity in Ladia.
These Oriental convents lay up vast stores annually
of food and fuel, which their funds and influence enable
them to procure from the villages at peculiar advantage.
It need scarcely be added that the dignity of these insti-
tutions is paramount among the laity of their respective
communions, and was much more so in the old times,
when these had no other protectors from the tyranny and
rapacity of the dominant Moslems.
Even at this day, though with less of irregularity,
the Efiendis of the town-council, together with those
holding oflSces of governmental trust, such as police, etc.,
derive considerable emoluments from the dissensions
among these establishments, which have so much money
at command, and are always soliciting their votes and
patronage in the council.
The Greek convents in Jerusalem are numerous,
32 GREEK HOUSE PROPERTY AND LANDS.
chiefly for residence of men, and the principal one is that
of ' Constantine ; ' the ' monks live well, and show the
effects of it in their portly presence ; also when they ride
abroad, and that is not uncommon, they display the best
horses that can be procured, short of the 'Aseeleh class
of the wilderness ; or if mounted on mules, as old men
may be seen mounted, they must have showy trappings.
It is unnecessary to describe in detail the several
churches or other property belonging to this corporation
within the walls further than to say that, besides main-
taining without diminution its ancient property, it has
for several years past pursued a scheme of buying up
houses, or shops, or waste ground, or even fractions
(kir&ts or twenty- fourth parts) of such properties all over
the city indiscriminately, till it is believed that more than
a quarter of the whole has come into their hands as free-
hold piurchase.
Without the walls the * Greek Convent ' has, more-
over, of late years made large acquisitions of land, which
have been carefully dressed and planted, mostly with mul-
berry trees for supply of silk works, a very praiseworthy
undertaking. This species of property, together with
the employment of the peasantry which the cultivation
of it necessarily requires, gives them an influence among
the rural population which other parties would be glad
to obtain ; while their town acquisitions and their mone-
tary wealth, freely used in the several judicial courts of
local government, tell also in this latter direction, till the
very name of ' Dair-er-Eoom ' becomes a tahsman of
power far outside the circle of its ecclesiastical concerns.
Among the rules of this corporation it . may be noted
GREEK CHURCH AT THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. 33
■
that, on embracing the monastic profession, the votaries
are not boxmd by a vow of poverty : consequently they
retain their former possessions during life ; at death, how-
ever, property falls into the general fund. Thus it hap-
pens that when Archimandrite Nikephoros, or Priest Ben-
jamin, purchases and improves lands (for such persons,
being natives of the Turkish Archipelago, are, like other
subjects of the Porte, at Uberty to purchase and hold lands
or houses), they have a life-interest in the same, and in
the process of improvement, they are preparing the estate
to come to the Convent in better condition at their
decease.
The large and gorgeously decorated Greek church,
standing among the other places of worship which are
grouped around the Holy Sepulchre, togetlier with their
multitudinous pilgrims annually collected from many parts
of the world, and their splendid processions, all these
give likewise to the ' Orthodox ' community a great and
envied position in the Holy City, besides the circumstance
of having had at all times so conspicuous a share in
guardianship of the Sanctuaries at Jerusalem, Bethlehem,
and Nazareth. The Greek authorities were anxious, when
the war broke out, to remind all with whom they came
into contact, thatat this juncture they were loyal subjects
of the Porte, and were no more dependants of Eussia.
Still it seemed that they must have some regard for that
nation, of a kindred faith, who annually contributed for
maintenance of the Sanctuaries no less a sum than 3,000i.
a year.
Eussian gold five-rouble pieces had been well knqwn
and very common in Jerusalem three years before the
VOL. L D
34 RUSSIAN GOLD. ARMENIANS. RUSSIAN CHURCH.
Crimean war. Indeed, at times no other coin of about
the same value was in ordinary circulation in the bazaars.
From 1848 onwards -much of this gold passed through
the hands of the Archimandrite Nikephoros, whom the
peasantry on this account called * Aboo Dhahab ' — ' The
Father of Gold.'
The Greeks were in reality not wiUing to come abso-
lutely under the yoke and dominion of Kussia, while on
the other hand some portion, at least, of the Eussian
people regarded this invasion of Turkey as entering into
the * old Byzantine ' ' new Eoman ' Empire, and the Czar
as its lineal and natural sovereign, even irrespective of
his being the head of the Church. They also regarded
the Franks as schismatics.
It does not belong to this subject of the world's de-
bate of 1853-6 to make reference hereto the other oriental
Christian churches, beyond mentioning that the wealthy
and powerful Armenian Convent, with its resident
Patriarch, having its Supreme Pontiff, the Cathoghigos, at
XJtch-Miazin, within the limits of modern Eussia, may be
not unfairly judged to entertain some favourable inclina-
tion towards the Czar's interests; they, however, in
Jerusalem professed extreme loyalty to the Turkish
Sultan.
The established church of Eussia is a daughter of the
Holy Orthodox Apostolical communion, that is to say,
of the Greek Church here under consideration, by having
received therefrom its early Christianity ; hence it is that
the Emperor of all the Eussias, with his huge political
might, pays particular respect to the Church at Jerusalem,
and has long been in the habit of bestowing upon it pre-
SYRIANS. COPTS. ABYSSINIANS. THE lATTXS. 35 I
sents not only of money, but of church furnitiu-e and
church pictures, besides employing to his utmost extent
an active interference on its behalf with the Turkish
government, to which by far the greatest portion of the
Orthodox Church is subject in European and other pro-
vinces, as well as in the Holy City, Jerusalem. We have
seen a church picture with a Kussian inscription on its
frame at the solitary town of Es-Salt, in the wilderness
beyond Jordan.
There were other churches represented in the Holy
Gty, who were not involved in the great controversy.
Among these was the ancient Syrian Church, which claims
to be the Primitive Gentile Church founded at Antioch by
the Apostles, and considers the Greek Church much in the
light of a usurper, which, after the accession to Empire
of C/onstan tine, despoiled it of the very Sanctuaries now
in dispute. There were also the African Churches, the
Coptic and the Abyssinian, also very ancient, and these
too had suffered hard usage in past times from both the
great antagonists. They all now looked on, wondering
whereunto these things would grow.
The Latin or Western Church.
The Western Church — now as heretofore the great
antagonist of the Greek Church — ^had only been brought
into contact with the Moslem rulers of the Land at the
Crusades. On the great schism of Eastern and Western
Christendom in the ninth century, the latter division,
broadly speaking, was limited to Europe : it had Latin
for its language instead of Greek, and the city of Old
Eome for its metropolis.
I) 2
3G THE LATIN CHURCH IN PALESTINE. FRANCISCANS.
Among the confused historical notices that we have
of times in early succession to the Mohammedan conquest
of Jerusalem, it appears that, during the seventh and
eighth centuries^ the native Church of Palestine became
so disordered in discipline (I omit considerations of doc-
trine) that the Pope of Kome was frequently appealed to
for nomination of their Patriarchs, and accordingly
several were installed upon a Eoman appointment. This
was a perilous state of things, but afterwards the Church
recovered her freedom of action, which she retained till
the era of the Crusades. Diuing the continuance of the
Latin kingdom (less than a century), her official frame-
work * could only be preserved at a distance, as before
stated.
Under the Latin kings and Crusaders the Franciscan
friars, of the Order ' Minores observantes,' set up orato-
ries for themselves in Jerusalem and Bethlehem, a.d.
1234, six years after the original foundation of the
Franciscan brotherhood. They have ever since held part
possession of those stations, watching at the Holy Manger
and the Holy Sepulchre by supplies of a few brethren
at a time coming from Europe, amidst persecution or
sometimes martyrdom, alternated by occasional grants or
favours conferred by the Moslem government at the inter-
cession of the French ambassadors.
But such sufferings they only shared in common with
the Greek monks.
In a retrospection through * the Dark Ages ' no in-
dication is found of the Latins being at any time the ex-
clusive custodians of the Christian Sanctuaries — only we
have their own designation of themselves as the ' Terra
TERRA SANTA. LATIN PILGRIMS. 37
Santa.' The presumption would naturally lean the other
way in &vour of the subjects of the local dominion, and
this view would seem to be borne out by a passage that
has been cited from the * Travels of Archbishop David of
Ephesus,' A.D. 1470, in which, after details concerning
sanctuaries and ceremonials in Bethlehem, he adds these
words, * The heterodox likewise enter here and have divine
service in the holy place itself ; ' ^ evidently meaning the
Latins, as if their separate services were allowed as an
indulgence. It was clearly his opinion that the Franks
were only there upon sufferance.
During the after periods, every book of travels by
Europeans gives us notice of the existence of the Terra-
Santa friars ; as in fact their hospices were the only places
where the writers could find lodging, and into their ears
the unhappy inmates were accustomed to * pour the sad
tale of all their cares,' describing the ill-usage received
from both their Mohammedan tyrants in city and country,
and from their rivals, the Oriental Christians. With re-
spect to the former we have Niebuhr, in 1761, saying
thus : — * The European monks, who are now the only
pilgrims that visit the Holy Land, describe those Arabs
(between Eamlah and Jerusalem) as devils incarnate, and
complain dolefully of their cruelty to the poor Christians.
Those lamentations, and the superstitious piety of good
souls in Europe, procure large ^ms to the convent of
Franciscans at Jerusalem. The exaggerated relations of
the sufferings of the pilgrims, from those inhuman
Bedouins, will therefore be continued as long as they can
serve the purpose for which they were intended.'
^ Aia T^ Koi Tov$ rr€podo|ovf cV avr^ r^ dyi» roxr^ citrcpp^co-^ai Koi
38 FliANCISCAN CONVENTS AND CHURCHES.
And with regard to the latter, we find in the ' Prospetto
generale dei Francescani, da 1768 sino 1856/ the
piercing putcry that ' il santissimo sepolcro sta in com-
mune con i Qreci ed Armeni scismatici. Ahi dolore ! —
gli scismatici semper parati adprcedam'
In 1570 the Tm-kish rulers expelled the Franciscans
from their house at Nebi Daood on Mount Zion, where
the coenaculum (or apartment of the original Lord's
Supper) formed part of their establishment ; there they
had been since 1365, and they removed to the spacious
building which they now hold close against the city wall,
inside on the north-west ; they always, however, repre-
sent this removal as a case of persecution, for the coena-
culum is regarded by them as the oldest possible house
of distinctive Christian worship in the world, the site
where Mass was first celebrated, and that by our Lord
himself. They have, however, purchased a privilege of
holding occasional services in that chamber, and of per-
mission to conduct pilgrims thither.
At Eamlah, a Spanish convent of the same Order was
annexed to the hospice at the beginning of the eighteenth
century.
During the French revolution, the friars were made
to suffer on account of their prior dependance for outside
protection upon the French nation, at that time in a state
of hostility to the Ottoman Porte ; most of their hospices
and some churches were demohshed, such as those of the
Flagellation in Jerusalem, St. Peter at Tiberias, and the
hospice in St. Jean d'Acre. The community was of course
subjected, as they had been long before, to avanias^ which
are forced contributions of money, levied at random times,
FRIARS IN FORMER DAYS. 39
and often without any other reason assigned than sic volo^
sicjubeo.
After that period, as travelling eastwards became less
rare, and reading more common, complaints are found in
books of travels, of the ignorance, bigotry, and self-indul-
gence of these same friars. Thus Lamartine, about 1830
(vol. ii., p. 59), describes them as the lowest peasants of
Spain or Italy, some as runaway conscripts, or political
refugees, wasting away life in indolence, having no other
employment than keeping up the routine of chapel ser-
vices, walking on the terraces or roofs, or framing cabals,
Spaniards against Italians, or the converse ; entirely
ignorant of geography, of Scripture history, or the
writings of the Fathers— devoured by ennui, and sighing
for a return to Europe, with, however, the honoiu-able
exception of a few who troubled themselves with learn-
ing Arabic and serving as parish curates. A vessel
arrived every two or three years for effecting removals or
changes among them. ' Their bams and cellars are well
stocked, their edifices are well kept up, and they lead a
lifeof comparative wealth.' . . .* I heard of no scandals of
life .... they are simply and sincerely credulous (in
the matters of their silly traditions).' 'At Nazareth,'
this author found * not one able to maintain a rational
conversation even on subjects peculiarly their own ; '
but some in that convent were leading 'a holy life of
ardent faith and active charity, humble, mild, patient,
and willing servants to the brethren and to strangers.'
Such were the impressions recorded by Lamartine.
The alms supplied from Europe for the general sup-
port of Terra-Santa institutions then amounted to be-
40 CASA NUOVA. CONVENT AUTHORITIES.
tween three and four hundred thousand francs (12,000Z.
to 15,000/.) annually, which were employed according
to circumstances by the Father Superior.
In still later times, it is to be hoped that the character
of that fraternity in Palestine is somewhat improved. In
my time I never heard of disorderly life among them ;
only the Consuls and others used to complain of their
stupidity of ideas and obstinacy. In Jerusalem they
conducted day-schools for children, and a printing-press ;
they also kept up, for form's sake, that rule of their
Order which enjoins a subsistence on mendicancy, one
of their number going round occasionally to a few
houses with a bag, asking for contributions of food,
of which, as may be believed, they are far from being
themselves in need, thanks to the funds supplied from
Europe ; but the rule of St. Francis does not preclude
them from distributing to the poor at their gates what
they have collected in the bags.
The authorities always aim at maintaining one
English subject among their number in Jerusalem, and
this is useftil for intercourse with our travellers arriving
at their hospice called the Casa Nuova: the one left
there in 1863 was an Irishman, who by no means con-
fined himself to that simple office : he was always ready
as a guide to the Sanctuaries, and inveighing with
characteristic fervour in the cause to which he was
attached.
The government of Terra Santa lies in—
1 . The Vicar-father^ who in former times was always a
Frenchman, when French monks existed there.
SPANISH CONVENTS. CARMELITES ON MT. CARMEL. 41
2. The Fiscal-procurator^ who is always a Spaniard,
3. The Gustos or chief, styled ' Keverendissiino,' who
in fact is always an Italian, although no others than
French are excluded from that office.
The accounts are audited every month. The treasury,
which is an iron chest, has three keys, one kept by the
Gustos, one by the Procurator, and the other by a
secretarv.
The convents of St. John's ('Ain Carem), a few miles
distant from Jerusalem, and that of Cyprus, are exclu-
sively Spanish, that of Eamlah mostly so.
The monastery of the Carmehtes, on Mount Carmel,
is independent of these Franciscans of Terra Santa, and
has its own special history as well as affairs, of which
much might be said if necessary here.
In the course of a conversation once held with the
Latin Patriarch, His Grace lamented the paucity of sub-
jects imder his jurisdiction ; for he stated that among all
classes of them, and throughout the Holy Land (a term
which in their reckoning includes Northern Syria, Egypt,
and Cyprus) he could scarcely estimate their census at
half a million.
In the general report of Franciscans in the Holy Land,
delivered in 1856 by the ex-Custos, Bernardo di Monte-
franco, to the chapter-general in Kome, the details are as
follows among other items, and omitting those of Egypt
and Northern Syria.
The parishes constituted in Palestine are seven-^
Jerusalem I Jaffa
Kamlah | . Acre
Bethelehem
Nazareth.
St. John's
42
STATISTICS. CONVENT HOSPITALITIES.
Classification and Number of the Fraternity.
Ex-provincials .
. 2
Disengaged
. 3
Apostolical missionaries .
. 45
Cleric
. 1
Penitentiaries . . . ,
10
Professed laymen
. 92
Preachers, not missionaries
6
Clerical novice
. 1
Teachers of boys' schools ,
16
Tertiary . , * .
. 1
Visiting priests . . . .
40
(But it is to be noted that in this table some individuals
are probably included in more than one of the classes.
The lay-friars are still in the majority.)
At each convent alms are distributed to poor natives,
of food, clothing, and, in some instances, of medicine.
The hospices entertain pilgrims or travellers gratuitously.
(Thus far the Franciscan Eeport.)
At these last-named establishments, by order of the
College of the Propaganda in Eome, with consent of the
Venerable Council (Discretorium) of Terra Santa in
Jerusalem, pilgrims are lodged and fed in Jerusalem for
a whole month gratuitously, and in all others about the
country, for three days. European travellers, however,
usually bestow donations on their departure, equal to the
amount of a good hotel-bill, and some very much more.
As for medicines, the friars who attend to that
department are for the most part extremely ignorant of
their science, but from practice it cannot be but that
they acquire some knowledge of the simple diseases of
the country, and of remedies to be applied. In Jerusalem
there is a regular hospital and dispensary, independent of
the convent, to which the French Government largely
contributes.^
^ We are only speaking of medical relief with which the Terra Santa has
any relation. Several other communities now have hospitals of their own in
Jerusalem, Jafia^ and Nazareth (1872).
LATIN LOCAL FESTIVALS. PILGRIM CERTIFICATE. 43
0
Besides the great festivals of the Church, there are
local celebrations in Palestine of conventual appointment,
viz. : at Tiberias for St. Peter's day (June 30). The
monks leave Nazareth and hold a convivial feast at Cana ;
also one on the traditional Mount of Beatitudes, and at
the supposed site of miraculously feeding the five thou-
sand upon the way to Tiberias ; then, on the return, upon
the summit of Tabor, and at the fabulous Mount of
Precipitation. The excursion lasts four days.
At Bethany, the raising of Lazarus is commemorated
on July 22, besides a service held at the reputed house,
or rather some of the old foundations believed to belong
to the house of Simon the leper, on the Friday after the
first Sunday in Lent.
On Mount Carmel, and the Mar EHas, which is half-
way between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, the festival of St.
Elijah (Elias) is held in July, and maintained for several
days with much animation by the Christian population
arriving even from long distances.
Previous to 1848 the ' Eeverendissimo of Terra Santa '
was the highest authority of Latin interest in the country.
He performed not. only the functions of a Bishop, but
was Deputy Grand-Master of the Order of the Holy
Sepulchre. In his name the certificates were issued to
pilgrims of their having performed their vows.^
» THE PILGRIM CERTIFICATE.
[Translation.] In the name of God. Amen.
To all and singular who may see, read, or hear thia letter read. We^
Custos of the Terra Santa, do certify and notify, that ■ arrived
safely on the day and on the following days visited the principal
Sanctuaries in which the Saviour of the world mercifully delivered His chosen
people, together with the lost generations of the human race, from the slavery
44 REVIVAL OF LATIN PATRIARCHATE.
The Reverendissimo of Terra Santa also granted
licences to trading ships in the Levant for ciirrying the
Jerusalem flag of five crosses gules^ in virtue of which
they enjoyed certain exemptions on the part of local
governors, based on the theory that they were bringing
provisions from Europe for support of the convents — ^a
duty in our days utterly unrequired.^
Revival of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem.
In 1848, however, a novel sense of elasticity was
imported into Roman Catholic affairs iii Palestine and
Syria by the revival of the office of Patriarch of Jerusa-
salem, which had lain in abeyance since the epoch of
the Crusades. The use of the words ' elasticity ' and
* novel' impUes the previous existence of a contrary, a
proportionately * dead weight,' and such indeed was the
case. It could not be otherwise in a time of non-persecu-
tion, while the spiritual, and very much of the temporal,
rule over the natives adhering to this creed lay in the
of Hell : namely Oalyary where being nailed to the cross, l^y OYeicoming
death He opened to us the gates of Heaven — Also the most holy sepulchre
wherein His most sacred body reposed for three days before His most
glorious reeurrection^-Al^ all the holy places of Palestine, sanctified by the
footsteps of the Lord, and of most Blessed Mary, His mother : and such
others as are accustomed to be visited by our devotees and pilgrims.
In faith whereof, we h^ve commanded this document, funiis)ie4 with
our seal, to be delivered by our Secretary.
Given at the Holy Oity of Jerusalem in the Venerable Convent of St.
Salvatore.
day month, &c.
By command of the Very Reverend Father in Ohrist,
(Signed)
^ For an amusing account of the fate of such a cargo when t^vken by
pirates, see Memoirs of Lady Hester Stanhope/ vol. i., pp. 32, 34, 30.
This occuiTed in 1837,
MONSIGNOPtE JOSEPH VALERGA. 45
hands of heavy and ignorant friars. Even their own
monastic affairs were mismanaged ; they made no efforts
to keep up with the progress of events, small as that was,
around them : for since the restoration of the Ottoman
Government in 1840, inteUigent travellers to the Holy
Land became multiplied — the Greek clergy and laity
were, in some perceptible degree, awaking from a long
lethargy ; so were the Armenians, and Protestants had
already received their second bishop. A restoration of
the Patriarchate was therefore resolved on in Eome, to
wield authority over all persons of its communion in
Syria and Cyprus, thereby withdrawing episcopal func-
tions from the monastic guardian of the holy places.
The ecclesiastic selected for the office was one of
some previous note, a Genoese named Joseph Valerga,
who had in early life served as secretary to a Papal dele-
gate in Syria, then as missionary in Baghdad, Mosul, and
Persia, in which latter capacity he had evinced a fervour
of temperament equalling that of the friars in Jerusalem
and Bethlehem, for on one occasion, by pushing forward
ultra claims in some professional business, he got into
a street riot, and to this day carries a bullet lodged in his
neck, then received.^
He was at the time of his promotion to Jerusalem in
full vigour of life^ about forty years of age, and enjoy-
ing a reputation of being learned in several Oriental lan-
guages. He studied sufficient dignity of deportment, and
his people addressed him by the title of * Your Grace.'
The advent had been prepared among us by a mission
from M. Guizot, of Eugene Bor^, formerly the French
* The Patriarch Valerga is now dead.— Ed.
46 STATE ENTRY OF THE PATRIARCH.
Consul in Damascus, and sanguinary persecutor of the
Jews upon the false accusation implied in the asserted
death of Father Thomas (a.d. 1840). At this time M.
Bore was a member of the Jesuit Society, and regarded
as one in the very odour of sanctity. Within the Terra
Santa convent he abode in seclusion for a time.^
The actual arrival of the Patriarch was an event of
no common interest to the Eoman Catholic body — exul-
tation to some, but disappointment and dislike to the
conventual party.
In order to make the entrance to the holy city deli-
berate and formal, his Grace did not come direct from
Jaffa and Eamlah, but passed the night at the convent of
St. John's, or 'Ain Carem, so as to have only two hours
for the morning ride. He was accompanied by a
numerous train from Jaffa, including several Vice-Consuls
from that place, with their officials.
In the morning, besides the French and Sardinian
Consuls (then the only Eoman Catholic Consuls in the
country) in full uniform, with their appropriate trains ; a
deputation from the .Turkish authority, consisting of the
Pashk's dragoman, the city treasurer, and the chief of the
police, each with his staff of subordinates ; and all towns-
men of the Eomish creed, in gala costume, on horseback ;
together with armed peasants, Latins from the Christian
villages, advanced to 'Ain Carem for the escort of the
Patriarch. The wild hills and the quiet valleys, over
which they passed in the approach to Jerusalem, re-
* He was afterwards sent to Ohina, and on his way out, when visiting
the Pope, His Holiness bestowed on him a special benediction with thanks
for his zeal in defence of the Faith^ as shown in Damascus.
PROCESSION IN THE STREET. 47
sounded with shouts and screams of joy, and a running
accompaniment of musket shots (the pieces on festive
occasions are usually loaded with ball, in order to increase
the loudness of the report), which were all redoubled on
coming within view of the Holy City. It is superfluous to
mention that these demonstrations were not assisted by
the Christians of any other communion.
It was a cold but bright wintry day of February, and
the city was all astir at the novelty of the proceedings.
The house prepared as the patriarchal residence was not
far within the Jaffa Gate, but the Patriarch did not go
there first. Passing on towards the Latin convent, the
Patriarch was met opposite the Convent Hospice by the
monks amid a clerical procession in sacerdotal vest-
ments, bearing a canopy (baldacchlno), and fiiars carry-
ing huge hghted tapers. The Patriarch assumed his
robes and jewelled mitre in the open air, and passing
by his door they all proceeded, chanting the ' Te Deum
laudamus,' through the street to the convent church of
St. Salvatore (St. Saviour's), where a long service of in-
stallation was performed.
The French Consul takes precedence on all occasions
in which Latin interests are concerned, being the Consul
for the nation whose title is * Protector of Christianity in
the East.' The Sardinian Consul, however (while yielding
place to his French colleague), also appeared in state on
this occasion — not merely as the Consul to whose nation
the Patriarch, Monsignore Valerga (a Piedmontese),
belonged personally by birth. He did not Wear his
usual consular uniform of dark blue and gold, but was
seen for the first time in a new uniform of brilliant
48 FIRST PUBLIC LATIN CEREMONY SINCE CRUSADES.
scarlet. We were informed that on this important occa-
sion he regarded himself, not so much as Consul, but as
taking part in the ceremonies in tlie capacity of Envoy of
the King of Jerusalem — one of the titles claimed by the
King of Sardinia. How strange this sounded within the
walls of the Holy City, amid all the stir and excitement
consequent on the revival of the Latin Patriarchate and
the first public ceremonial of the great church of the
West since the fall of the Crusading Kingdom ! On this
day the streets had once more re-echoed the chant of
white-robed choristers with priests and friars, bearing
aloft the sacred emblems in . public procession, amid long
disused pomp, with glitter of gold and jewels, and,
strangest of all, ushered through the narrow streets by
Turkish officials and by the Moslem KawwAses, not only
those attached to the Roman Catholic Consulates, but by
the Kaww&ses which Tiu-kish liberality of nde allows
each head of a religious community, in recognition of his
rank in the state. The Oriental Patriarchs had their
Kaww&ses, the Chief Rabbi had his, so had the English
Bishop, then, of course, the Latin Patriarch was entitled
to have his also.
The English Consulate had, of course, no direct official
relations with this Patriarchate any more than with those
of the Greeks and Armenians, but formal visits were
annually paid to such dignitaries, and received in return
at the new year and Easter periods, also on our Queen's
birthday.
When the Pope's anniversary festival was notified by
the Patriarch in 1849, it so happened that the Pope was
then in exile from his own dominions, so that he couH
THE LEARNING AND TALENTS OF THE PATRMRCH. 49
scarcely be regarded as a temporal sovereign, and there-
fore no visit was paid to the Patriarch, as his representa-
tive, by the Protestant Consuls, and the future recurrence
of it was never announced to them.
I always continued on friendly personal terms with
Monsignore Valerga, for we could converse on topics of
European politics or of Oriental learning. At one time
I lent him the two great volumes of the Bible as recently
translated into vernacular Chaldsean by the Armenian
missionaries of Oroomiah, and at another opportunity
offered assistance in procuring publication, by means of
our learned societies at home, of any particular manu-
scripts that he might desire. This was after he had
shown me several Syriac manuscripts of great rarity and
beauty collected by himself in Mesopotamia.
The Patriarch possessed considerable talents for
business and local diplomacy, for which there was, or
for which he had created, material within the range of
his jurisdiction* The distinctive character of Komanism
as to ecclesiastical aggression and superiority of tone in
conduct lost nothing by the appointment of Monsignore
Valerga, notwithstanding his affable demeanour in social
conversation. And in the same saloon for general recep-
tion there stood conspicuous a velvet-covered throne,
raised upon steps, surmounted by the Papal insignia ; this
was used by him upon ceremonial occasions of receiving
deputations — and the refreshments tendered were at all
times, as a rule, handed to him by the attendants before
being presented to the visitors, as would be done in Italy
* with Church dignitaries.
VOL. I. E
50 HIS POSITION TOWARDS OTHER CHURCHES.
From the assumption that the Eoman is the only
true rhurch anywhere, it logically follows that this was
the only true Patriarch in Jerusalem, notwithstanding
the unbroken succession of the Patriarchal oflBice in the
Greek Orthodox Church at Jerusalem from ante-Nicene
times ; and both he and his party felt entirely free in
conscience as to any charge of schismatic intrusion within
the domain of the Orientals.
The Greeks and the Armenians were angered at this
Latin institution raising its head once more among them,
which could not fail to bring to remembrance the election
of a Latin Patriarch by the crusading army on its march,
before even coming in sight of Jerusalem. The Latins
had now, however, no military force for estabUshing their
creation, and all that could be done was the safe, the
neutral proceeding of leaving Monsignore Valeiga to his
own devices, while the others pursued each his own line
of duty. * Que le Pape cr^e des patriarches de Jerusalem
nous nous en inqui^tons fort pen. Notre gouvemement
(le turc) s'est-il jamais alarm^ des titres de "Koi de
Jerusalem ? " ' Such was the language of a Smyrna pam-
phlet on the Greek side upon a later opportunity — so
the Eastern churches kept on their monotonous course,
leaving their European rival to confer whatever titles she
might please upon her own agents.
The Anglican Bishop and the Latin Patriarch made
no advances towards each other ; but they met sometimes
at public celebrations in the British Consulate, and joined
in conversation when this was commenced by other
persons. "
The party which felt most practical annoyance from
HIS POSITION TOWARDS THE TERKA SANTA CONVENTS. 51
this new institution was that of the Franciscan convents ;
for the influence of the great name of ' Terra Santa '
subsided at once, and for many years afterwards sharp
hostilities continued between the two Powers, chiefly upon
financial matters, in which the Patriarchate made huge
demands of money, and consequently gained knowledge
of the state of the treasury. The supreme government
in Eome made fruitless eflbrts to end these conflicts by
sending repeated commissions of enquiry; but even
when some amount of reconciliation was effected, the
smart of past wounds would yet remain.
Henceforward the patents and licences (except those
of pilgrims visiting the Sanctuaries) were issued in the
name of the Patriarch instead of the President of Terra
Santa,^ and episcopal functions were transferred to the
Patriarchate.
But all this was about regimen within limited circles.
The Patriarch was not the ^Protector' of the Latin
Christians—they, including himself and his office, were
under a far more powerful Protectorate, as we shall soon
Thus much concerning the Ecclesiastical parties in
litigation on behalf of the Sanctuaries in Jerusalem and
Bethlehem prior to 1858, in so far as those parties were
represented in the Holy City itself. But each of those
parties — ^the Eastern Church and the Western Church —
was backed by a political supporter. The Emperor of
Eussia was the champion of the Eastern Church ; the
^ For copy of the Licence to a Priest, and of the Ships' Patent for Terra
Santa, see at the end of this chapter.
£ 2
[
52 LICENCE TO A PRIEST.
Emperor of the French was leader of the forces mar-
shalled in defence of the Western Church.
Of these champions we will speak in our next chapter.
Licence to a Priest for Abaohvtion at ConfeasioTie,
(Translation.)
Joseph Valeroa^
By Divine compassion and by Grace of the Apostolical See,
Patriarch of Jerusalem, Grand Master of the Order of the
Holy Sepulchre, &c., &c.
To our beloved in Christ
Whereas we have suflScient testimony to thy learning,
knowledge, prudence, moderation, and probity of morals, for
receiving sacramental confession, both of regulars and seculars
of either sex within this oiu: patriarchal diocese of Jerusalem,
as well as in the whole island of Cyprus, committed to our
pastoral care — By virtue of these presents we do institute and
deliver to thee the facidty of absolving from all and any sins,
except only in those cases which are reserved out of Italy to
the Supreme Pontiff, and those to which excommunciation is
annexed by the Supreme Pontiff : also those which by common
law are reserved to ourselves, together with those which in the
Lord we have decreed to be reserved. Moreover, in case of
urgent necessity, or imminent peril of deaths it will be per-
mitted to thee to receive, by an interpreter, the confessions of
persons in any language whatsoever. But if an interpreter
cannot be had, or if the penitents may not consent to make use
of one ; yet if the tokens of penitence be evident, we desire
thee to impart to them absolution. Only beware lest by
absolving the unworthy, thou shouldst suffer to fall into the
snares of the devil, those whom in this Holy Land our Divine
Saviour has redeemed with his precious blood.
To be valid from now till
Given at Jerusalem, in the Patriarchal Palace, this day
of — , in the year <-.
SHIP'S PATENT FOR TERRA SANTA. 53
Ship^a PaterU for Terra Santa.
(Translation.)
Joseph Yalerga,
By Divine compassion and Grace of the Apostolical See,
Patriarch of Jerusalem, Grand Master of the Order of the
Holy Sepulchre, &c., &c.
To our beloved in Christ
Master of the Ship named
Salutation in the Lord.
So great has ever been the desire of the Apostolical See
and of the Catholic Church for the defence and preservation of
these most holy places of the redemption of mankind, that she
has always deigned to reward munificently with divers kinds
of spiritual graces, and also with manifold favours of temporal
benefit, those who may show themselves in any way meritorious
towards this Church of Jerusalem and its venerable monu-
ments.
Among such evidences of the Apostolical solicitude she has
permitted to be given to Masters of Ships who may endeavour,
whether by piety chiefly, or by their largesses, to promote the
increase of Catholic devotion in this Holy Land, the use of
that illustrious and singular token, the Jerusalem flag, which
she desires to have maintained as a custom all over the world,
in order to provide for the necessities of the Holy places, and
particularly of the Sepulchre of our Lord Jesus Christ.
The exercise of which faculty was formerly committed to
the Religious Superiors for the time being of Terra Santa, as
carrying on the Vicariate of the Church of Jerusalem ; but is
now by the Providence of His Holiness, our lord Pius IX.,
Father of his country, decreed to be transferred to this His
Patriarchal diocese : its pastor being restored.
We therefore whom the favour of Divine Grace has raised
to that Patriarchal oflSce, having knowledge from manifold
testimony of thy Catholic faith, thy probity of morals and thy
devotion towards these most holy monuments of our salvation^
54 SHIPS PATENT.
as well as of the bounty of thy benefits bestowed, do benig-
nantly consent to thy request, and by the tenor of these
presents, and with sacred authority do grant that upon thy
ship named , thou mayest raise the illustrious flag of
Terra Santa, with its five red crosses upon a white field (the
royal ensign of this Holy Land, bedewed with the most pre-
cious blond of Jesus Christ), and under the same freely to sail
and to prosper.
On condition that so long as thou mayest journey under
this flag, thou shalt convey all Minorite monks of the observ-
ance of St. Francis, or others ministering in the Church . of
Jerusalem who may be furnished with our testimonials for
travelling gratis^ and without payment, in respect of thy obe-
dience and piety for these Holy places.
And we beseech all and singular persons of every grade and
condition, whether endued with Imperial or Royal Majesty, or
conspicuous in any other eminence of dignity, in the name of
their devotion and for the increase of their power, that these
letters may everywhere obtain similar effect.
We do also exhort earnestly all commanders of naval fleets
and fortifications, as well as governors of ports and cities, to
sufifer no injury to befall thee, thy property or thy companions ;
but that they may deign to respect and defend thee, adorned as
thou art with the life-giving ensign.
For the more secure obtaining of this, we have had delivered
to thee these letters, signed with our hand and guarded by our
great Seal.
Given in Jerusalem, at the Patriarchal Palace, this day
of — — , in the year .
55
CHAPTEE III.
SECULAR EEPRESENTATIVES OP LATIN AND GREEK
CHRISTL\NITY IN JERUSALEM.
Thfe French ' Protectors of Ohiistianity in the East '—Treaty of King Francis
I. — Roman Catholic Christianity protected — Terra Santa Convents — ^Their
Archives — French Consul in State at the Sanctuaries of Jerusalem and
Bethlehem — Invasion of Syria by Napoleon Buonaparte — His aaoption of
Moslem formula — Sir Sidney Smith in 1801 Protector of Christians —
Portion of his Flagstaff on roof of Latin Convent in Jerusalem —
Richard Coeur de Lion at Acre — Prince Edward of England at Nazareth
— Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of Salisbury at the taking of
Acre in 1191 — French tricolor flag over Carmel Convent — Turks regard
the French as the leading Roman Catholic Power — Treaties — Guizotn-
Latin Patriarch — Curious Firmins in the Latin Convent — Franks, &c. —
French — ^Feelings of the Monks — ^French visitors and pilgrims — Preparar-
tions for receiving the Pope — Greek Catholic Patriarch — Sir John
Chardin on French negotiations in Constantinople — French Consul M.
P. E. Botta, of Nineveh celebrity — Russian Protectorate of Eastern
(Greek and Armenian) Christians — ^M. Basili, Russian Consul-General —
Russian travellers — ^Russian Sailors in English Church — Promise by
Turkey that Russia should have a Church and Hospice at Jerusalem —
Archimandrite Porphyrios— Russian contributions to Greek Convent —
Purchase of Lands by Greek Convent.
We now arrive at the subject of French protection of
Christianity in the East.
King Francis I. in the sixteenth century incurred a
good deal of temporary odium throughout the realms of
Christendom for having made a treaty with the infidel
Turks ; that, too, at a time when these were a real source
of danger on our frontiers. He was the first to do such
a thing, and the fact was the more surprising as the
I ''m * ■
56 THE FRENCH PROTECTORS OF CHRISTL^NITY.
French had always given themselves out as the peculiarly
crusading nation — the first to begin, and the last to leave
off those enterprises. King Francis might be the eldest
son of the Chiu-ch ; but in the opinion of his adversaries,
only very indifferent to religion, either personal or na-
tional; and his alternate indulgences, few though they
were, or persecutions of the Protestants, were supposed
to be crowned by this treaty with Sultan Sulim&n.
It was, however, at first but a mere convention of com-
merce that he entered into ; yet it was followed up by
poHtical engagements, and the fellow-kings of Europe
very soon imitated his example, acting prudently for
their own benefit. The Turks, indeed, were not the
infidel people against whom the old crusaders had been
launched ; they were but successors in holding the terri-
tory, no matter how acquired, therefore not bearing the
same animus for or against Christendom as the Saracens
before them. Masters, however, of regions of unbounded
commercial resources, a trading intercourse with them
was well worth having.
But this treaty laid a foundation also for long future
events. Among the pompous titles of honour in which
Orientals are accustomed to indulge, they designated the
French monarch as the ' Protector of Christianity,' with
perhaps no more sincerity of meaning than when now-a-
days a Pashk addresses any individual Consul in the super-
scription of a letter as the * glory of the sect of Christ,
and pillar of the community of Jesus.' This appears to
be the case from the circumstance of their having some-
times applied the same title to the Austrians in their
treaties. The French being the first Power to treat
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHRISTIANITY PROTECTED. 57
with the Porte, the latter gave this flattering title at
random ; besides, it was a personal epithet, not a national
one. The French poUtidans, however, perceived the
advantage possible to be worked out from sustaining such
a designation, and have insisted upon its being inserted
in all treaties made with the Porte since that commence-
ment. The Austrians failed to secure the same or similar
advantages ; indeed, it is likely that their frequent vicis-
situdes of hostility with France on the one hand, or with
Turkey on the other, hardly admitted a policy which
should add to the seeds of strife an uncertain controversy
about religious claims.
The form of Christianity which came beneath the
aegis of France was, of course, the Eoman Cathohc : and
the mode of affording protection to it has been chiefly
that of defending the persons and properties of the
monasteries in the Levant, through the ministry of the
Embassy at Constantinople ; later institutions of a reli-
gious character, such as sisterhoods of charity, hospitals
and schools, enjoy also that ready protection, and the
coasting vessels chartered under the Terra Santa flag are
superintended by the French Consulates.
The convent archives throughout Turkey are rich in
Firm&ns and other documents obtained on their behalf by
French intervention at the Porte.
In modern times the special services at the Sanctuaries
of Jenisalem and Bethlehem are attended by the French
Consul in full uniform, with a large train of officials,
who has a gilded chair of state appropriated to him, a
precedence to which no other Consul is entitled ; and for
the midnight mnss of Christmas at Bethlehem that Consul
58 FRENCH CONSUL. SIR SIDNEY S>nTH.
is furnished by the Pashk with a considerable force of
regular infantry in the Church, the expense for which,
as well as for other demonstrations, which tell so much
upon Orientals, is liberally afforded by the central govern-
ment in Paris, regardless of the jealous heartburnings of
the other Eoman Catholic Consuls. Such was still the
state of things when the writer left Jerusalem in 1863.
Such activity and display is the more remarkable in
contrast to a different position of France in Palestine,
which is even yet within the memory of man, when
Buonaparte was master of Egypt and invader of Syria.
At that time England was the true Protectress of Chris-
tianity there, while French proclamations and official
letters were headed with the formula, ' There is no God
but Allah, and Mohammed is the Apostle of God,' and a
letter to Sultan Selim in referring to past periods stated
that such and such events had occurred ' while the French
nation had been of the religion of Christ.'
It was in 1801, after the French had been expelled
from Egypt and Syria, that Commodore Sir Sidney Smith
marched his marines from the coast into Jerusalem and
Bethlehem, with drums beating and colours flying, to
post that flag, which he did, over the Latin convents of
those. towns ; and a remnant of that flagstaff against the
wall of the Terra Santa convent in Jerusalem was lately
visible, perhaps still is so. This movement was a neces-
sary one for ensuring safety to the Latin Christians, who,
being before regarded as French protigis^ might have
fallen victims to popular resentment. Who was Protector
of Christianity then at the Holy Places ?
Moreover, to shift the scene, the native Christians in
RICHARD C(EUR-DE-LION. PRINCE EDWARD. 59
the north preserve a tradition of the low hill, half a mile
distant from the walls of Acre, by calling it Cceur-de-
Lioriy in memory of him who performed more personal
service, and remained longer as the paynim*s adversary,
than did the French King Philip Augustus.
And, again, in the Latin convent at Nazareth the
friars profess to show the very apartment occupied by
Prince Edward of England, after his consort, Eleanor of
Castille, had sucked the poison from the wound inflicted
by the assassin,^ she who, on leaving England for the
expedition, had publicly said, ' There is as near a way to
heaven from Sjria as from England or Spain ' (Wykes,
p. 88).
What says our Shakspeare of our countrymen, but
that they were
Renowned for their deeds as far from home,
For Ohristiaii service and true chivalry,
As is the Sepulchre in stubborn Jewry
Of the world's ransom, blessed Mary*s son.
Bichard II,, Act ii. Sc. 1.
The valour and the sacrifices of England in the Holy
Land, according to the estimation set upon the crusading
cause at that era — ^not only as seen in the leadership of
our kings with their feudal nobles, but the sanction of
^ A.D. 1271. ^ Onely Prince Edward having passed that winter in Sicilie
with the first part of the next Spring set forward again on his voyage, and
in fifteene dayes ckfter arrived with his fleet at Ptolemais, when, after he had
by the space of a moneth rested himselfe and his souldiers after their long
travell, and fully inquired of the state of the country, hee with six or seven
thousand souldiers marching from Ptolemais, about twentie miles into the
lande, took Nazareth, and put to the sword all them he found therein, and
»o againe returned. After whome the enemies following in hope to have
taken him at some aduantage, he understanding thereof turned back upon
them, and killing a greate number of them, put the rest to flight.' * The
generall Historic of the Turkes/ &c., by Richard EnoUes. London : 1608.
60 ENGLISH PRELATES AT ACRE. TRICOLOR AT CARMEL.
OUT prelates (for at the taking of Acre, in 1191, there
were present the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Bishop of Salisbury) ought not to be forgotten by either
the French or the English nations.
Times are now changed — the French tricolor flaunts
broadly over the Carmel Convent ; the Terra Santa flag
has its licences countersigned and pays its fees into the
French Consulates of Jafia, Bayroot and Cyprus ; while
in church ceremonials at the moe)t holy places, as before
mentioned, the other Koman Catholic Consuls are obliged
to endure pubhcly the marks of inferiority, because their
governments permit it. Even the Spaniard must be
silent, though representing the * Most CathoHc ' of king-
doms. Also the Austrian, although his sovereign claims
by descent, as fix)m one of the rival competitors, the
kingship of Jerusalem. And so long as the Sardinian
Consulate existed there — ^for it terminated in 1849 — ^that
Consul urged the same pretension with a still clearer
title of descent from the crusading kings, not in words
only, but on some state occasions he wore, besides his
regular natipnal uniibrm, a separate one as representa-
tive of the King of Jerusalem.
The Turks undoubtedly recognise the French as the
leading Eoman Catholic power — at least they are not in
a condition to deny the kind of hegemony which the re-
maining kingdoms of Europe do not for themselves dispute.
Chateaubriand points out a series of treaties and fir-
ra&ns upon which France groimds her Protectorate, and
expresses his joy on finding recorded in the archives of
Terra Santa the numerous evidences of French action on
behalf of convents in the Holy Land.
TREATIES WITH FRANCE. GUIZOT. FRANKS. 61
Guizot, himself a Protestant, while ia the Foreign
Office, urged the style and offices of the Protectorate upon
the Porte in the fullest form. And among minor in-
stances of patriotic sensitiveness on that head, it may be
cited that on the first erection of the Anglican bishopric
in Jerusalem, the ' Semeur,' a thoroughly Protestant
journal, gave vent to its share in the national indignation
by proclaiming the unique prerogative of Prance to be
Protectress of Christianity in the East.^
During the tedious negotiations intendisd to ward oflF
the Russian War of 1853, this claim was never discussed
at Constantinople by the side of that of the Eussians—
the Turks pronounced that the cases were not parallel.
The result, however, of that war has produced, in refer-
ence to both these rivalries, whether alike or unlike, a
sharper definition than before of the inalienable rights of
the Sultan over his own subjects, whatever may be their
religious creed.
In a conversation in the year 1849 between the Latin
Patriarch of Jerusalem and the writer of these observa-
tions, the former was descanting on the number and
.variety of Hatti-Shereefs, Firm&ns, &c., in curious dialects
and formalities, ranging over many centuries, which are
preserved in the Terra Santa convent (one of them, he
said, given by a Soldan of the Saracens), and he stated
that in some of these, anterior to the Crusades, the
Europeans generally are denominated ' Franks ' — a fact,
if there be no mistake in the matter, which the modern
French regard with excessive satisfaction, as a naming of
* See note at the end of this chapter.
62 FEELINGS OF THE LATIN MONKS.
all Christendom after them, and thus implying that the
Christian reUgion is emphatically the French religion.
In the course of this work we shall find several
instances of this subject rising to the surface of current
events, happily not involving any anxiety on behalf of
Protestantism, which stands on its own ground ; but to
whatever extent Eoman Catholic Christianity in general
may be indebted to the French for protection in Turkey,
even the convents feel that protection to be an uncomfort-
able yoke. I remember a Franciscan fi^ar, an Italian,
expreLng himself indignantly on that subject, for he
said — * We were never dependant upon France for pro-
tection between our original settlement here in 1226 and
the French treaty of Francis L We never asked the
French to protect us. We had, indeed, a king for our
patron in the fourteenth century, but he was an Italian,
Kobert of Sicily, who, with his consort, purchased the
land for us on which we built — ^not to mention the
previous Latin kings of Jerusalem, and others of Europe,
who have been our friends and guardians. And as for
Consulates here, why the French were only followers of
the English in Jerusalem.'
During the existence of the Sardinian Consulate, the
monks were naturally to be found frequenting that house,
constituting, in fact, the majority of Signor 's society,
for the enjoyment of national community in sentiment
and taste, greatly in preference to the French Consulate.
Afterwards, on the establishment of Austrian and Spanish
Consulates, the monks clustered round these rather than
the French. But still it is hardly reasonable or grateful
for the convents to forget the long-continued favours
FRENCH VISITORS AND PILGRIMS. 63
bestowed on them by the French. Throughout all the
extent that is designated as Holy Land, they have been
under the greatest obligations to that power. There can
be no doubt that there would be more reciprocity of
friendship between them if more certain reliance cx)uld be
placed on the Christian character of the French nation.
The personages of importance on the Latin side who
had visited Jerusalem, during the years immediately pre-
ceding the Crimean War, had been but few. Of course,
there were always a good many Latin pilgrims at Easter,
and the Latin Church was strongly represented by the
convents, by the Latin Patriarchate, and by the Latin
Consulates.
• There had been one French expedition, that of M.
de Saulcy and his friends; and two or three French
ships of war sent up their officers, but not the crews, to
visit Jerusalem. A few Italians had visited Jerusalem,
and the Austrian Consul was active in promoting the
interests of Austrian Koman Cathohcs, which were not
always identical with those of the French Eoman Catho-
lics. He had for some time past been looking out for a
house capable of being improved for accommodation of
the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna.
Eumours had been cii*culated of the possibility of the
Pope visiting the Holy Sepulchre. During his involuntary
exile from Eome in 1848, the idea had been put forth
that eTerusalem might be desirable as the seat of Papal
dominion, and this idea still seemed present to the minds
of some of those who desired to restore the prestige of
the Western Church.
Whatever might be the plans and wishes cherished on
64 REMOVAL OF POPEDOM TO JERUSALEM.
this subject, no active steps were taken for the transfer-
ence of the Popedom, or for the immediate revival of the
Latin kingdom.
The nations were not at one among themselves, and
the defence of the Sanctuaries against all encroachment
on the part of the Eastern Church and Bussia was the one
point now especially watched by Frank defenders of the
Faith.
The Greek Catholic Patriarch from Damascus had
spent some time in Jenisalem, where there is a settlement
of his people. These, of course, sided in most points
with the Latin party.
It may be interesting to peruse the following extract
from Sir John Chardin's Travels * into Persia and y* East
Indies, through the Black Sea and the country of Colchis.'
Being in Constantinople during the action of some busy
negotiations of the French there in 1670, he says, —
^The Ambassador's demands were comprehended under
thirty Articles, of which these were the chief.
* First — That the Orand Signior should not entertain
within his Dominions any European Nations except what were
already settl'd there, but under the French Banners : and that
particularly the ItalianSj except the Venetians and Oenoesesj
that should come into Turkey^ should be obliged to put them-
selves imder the Banner of France and the Protection of that
King's Ambassador.
(This Privilege was granted by the Turks to the French in
the Capitulations made in the reign of Francis the First, and
the French enjoy'd 'em till the Beginning of this Age : at what
Time by reason of certain Pyrates that cruis'd upon the Coast
of Egypt imder French Colours, the Port struck out that article
in a new Agreement then concluded.
Afterwards the Article was restored and the same Privilege
granted a second Time in these Words : —
SIR JOHN CHARDIN'S HISTORY. 65
^All nations of Europe that do not maintain Publick
Agents at the Port, n^or are m Alliance and Confederacy with
the Ora/nd Signior, which shall come into the Levant under
French Colours, shaU be there received and entertained and
enjoy the same Advantages as the French do^
But the Turks refuse to acknowledge these latter Capitula-
tions, and therefore making use of the former they alledge more-
over that the Words [shall come] are not exclusive ; and,
therefore, though the Port be obliged to receive all Strangers
that shall come under French Colours, yet they do not debar
the Grand Signior to entertain Strangers, if it be his Pleasure,
that come under other Colours.)
* Secondly — That the French shall not pay above Three in
the Hundred Customs, which is no more than the English,
Hollanders, and Genoeses do.
' Thirdly — That the Orand Signior shall grant Free Liberty
to the French to traffick to the Indies through his Dominions
and Territories : more especially through the Channel of the Red
Sea, without paying any other Duties than those of Entraye.
' Fourthly — That the Orand Signior shall restore to the
Religious Orders of the Roman Catholicks the Holy Land, and
the Holy Places from whence they were expell'd by the Grreeks,
in the year 1638.
* Fifthly — That the King of France shall be acknowledg'd
at the Port the Sole Protector of the Christians.
' Sixthly — That all the Roman Catholic Christians that live
within the Dominions of the Ottoman Empire, shall be look'd
upon and consider'd as under the Protection of His Majesty,
* Seventhly — That the French Capuchins that live at Con*
stantinople, may have Liberty to rebuild their Church at Ga-
lata which was burnt down about Fifteen years ago.
« Eighthly — That all the Churches of the Roman Christians
within the Ottoman Empire, may for the future be repair'd or
rebuilt as often as need shall require, without being put to the
trouble of asking Leave.
'Ninthly — That all the French Slaves shall be set at
Liberty.
VOL. l. P
66 FRENCH NEGOTIATIONS AT CONSTANTINOPLE.
^ The other Proposals were of less Importance in particular,
only their Number made them considerable — ^but the Port
look'd upon these Demands to be so extravagant, nay, so ridi-
culous, that the Prime Ministers believ'd, or else pretended to
believe, that the King sought only an Occasion to break with
his Highness.'
Then follows the history of negotiations between the
Franciscan monks and the French Government, which
led to the insertion of the above Article 4 — the
vehement reclamations of the monks — ^the bribery ten-
dered— the requests of Venice, Spain, and Eome that the
French king should of his * pious zeal' carry out this
measure ; until at length the king instructed his Ambas-
sador at Constantinople to insert that among the condi-
tions of the new treaty, and the Ambassador assured the
monks that he had instructions not to treat at all with
the Turks without that Article of stipulation.
After long delay, the Ambassador, finding that the
Grand Signior and the Vizier were ready to depart for
Poland, and no treaty was concluded, went to the Eeis
Katib (Chancellor), and in three conferences concocted
the treaty.
Articles 2, 3, and 7 were agreed to, only that to the
latter was added, ' together with the Jesuits in the same
place, and all other Appurtenances belonging to the
French within the Ottoman Empire, should be under the
Protection of the King.'
Also, Article 9, with the proviso that * they were not
taken in any Fleets or Armies, or before any places in
Hostility with the Port.'
The matter of the French protection of Christianity
THE DISCOMFITURE OF THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR. 67
was reduced to this, — ' That the Ambassador should be
acknowledged Protector of the Hospital of the European
Christians in Galata, and that they should have Liberty
to say Mass in the said Hospital/
The important article concerning foreign nations was
altogether passed by — ^it was to remain as before in the
former treaty.
On his return home the Ambassador repented, and
sent his Dragoman to say that, unless the stipulation about
foreign nations was made as he had asked, he would
break off altogether; after which he went himself and
pressed it. The Eeis Katib referred it to the Vizier, and
the latter sent back an absolute refusal in these words —
.* Seeing you have not kept your word with him, he
recalls his own, and will grant you nothing at all/
* Thi8 answer,' continues Sir John, * was like a Thunderclap. —
M. de Nointel and those that were with him stood like men in
a Trance. They begg'd to resume and ratifie the Treaty : but
it was quite impossible, though they proffer'd upon the Place
to quit and renounce the Article contested. To which the
Chancellor answer'd, that he had no other Orders from the
Vizier then to deliver his Message, and that he had no Power
to treat any further.
* The Ambassador reply'd, that he had a letter from the
Pri/me Minister of France, which he desir'd only to deliver
into his Hands, and so to take his Leave. The Chancellor made
Answer that for his Audience it might be easily obtainM, but
as for the Letter from the Prime Minister of France, the Orand
Vizier car'd not a straw to look upon it.
' Monsieur de Nointel, returning to his Lodging with that
Vexation and Perplexity of Mind which may be conceiv'd with-
out any great DiflSculty, propounded to his Council, which were
the Abbot his brother, the Director of the Levant Company^
and his Two chief Interpreters, that since the EQiglish and
f2
68 THE TURKS REGARD LATIN MONKS AS FOREIGNERa
Hollanders had lately given Ten Thousand Pounds Sterling
a-piece for renewing their last Capitulations, it would be con-
venient for the French to give the same money for the renewing
of Theirs. Upon which the two Interpreters had Orders to
propose the Sum to the Chief Ministers : but it nothing avaiUd,
for there are some Favours obtain'd at the Port by the Force
of Money ; others which no Money will procure. And such for
Example was the Business soUicited by the Two Commissaries
of the Holy Land, who offer'd a Hundred Thousand Crowns to
the Grrand Vizier to put 'em in Possession of the Sacred Places,
and to expend as much in Presents to the Orand Signior and
Ministers of the Port. But their Money was Dross, the Divan
not being to be bribed in that Case.
* In a few days more the Vizier was leaving for Poland. M.
de Nointel went early in the morning to the Camp, but the
Vizier was gone to convey the Sultan's Mother to her first lodg-
ing. The Ambassador waited seven hours with the Chancellor.
The Vizier came, but would not see him ; he only promised to
talk with the Interpreter.
' And this was the success of M. de Nointel's second Jour-
ney to the Port, upon which both Parties made different Re-
flexions. For the Turks with great As»iir(jmce lay the Blame
of this Rupture upon the French.'' '
In the above narrative it is not possible to separate
the matter of French protection in Turkey fix)m that of
the monks at the Holy places in Jerusalem and Bethle-
hem ; neither is it possible to do so at the present period,
seeing that without the convents and the meagre number
of native Eoman Catholics, kept together by means of
their propagandism, the French would have but few or
no Christians to protect. But it is noteworthy how high
a tone the Turks at that time were able to maintain on
that subject. According to this writer, they looked upon
all the Latin monks as mere foreigners, while the Oriental
FRANCIS L THE PROTECTOR OF CHRISTIANS. 69
Christians {i.e. Greeks, Armenians, &c.) were properly
regarded as the Grand Signior's subjects, who were
paying him * a yearly tribute of 800,000 crowns,' and
therefore had the first claim upon his concessions.
The Eussians were out of consideration at that era.
It is not necessary to trace down the stream of history
through all the stages which French protection has
passed since the reign of Louis XTV". — it must have been
very monotonous — but it does seem amusing to catch a
glimpse of the method and aims of French diplomacy
at Constantinople nearly two hundred years ago, as
showing how, imder much disadvantage, they were vigi-
lant, as, indeed, they still are, to uphold the ascendancy
accorded to them under Francis I., merely because
that king was the only one making a Commercial Treaty
with the Ottomans at a certain moment of time. It is a
fact that at that date the French king stepped forward as
the Primus of the Christian name in Europe for taking
notice of Latin Christianity in the Ottoman dominions.
We may, therefore, regard him as something more than a
protector. He was the protector among the Turks for
the time.
For the extravagant claims of French protection over
the Maronites, see Documents of Louis XIV. and XV.
quoted in ' Churchill's Lebanon,' vol. iii., p. 94, under
dates of 1649 and 1737.
NOTE.
Chronological Summary of the various Hatti Shereefs (Im-
perial Decrees) granted by the Sultan in favour of the Greeks,
from the year 15 of the Hegira (636 of the Christian era) up
to the present time, concerning the right of possession and
70 SUMMARY OF HATTI SHEREEFS,
other privileges granted to the Greeks regarding the Holy Places
at Jerusalem.
1. Heoiba 16. A.D. 636* — Hazret Omar Hatap (' Omar el
Khattab), the conqueror of Jerusalem under the Patriarchate of
Sophronius, issued an Artnam^, by virtue of which the Holy
Sepulchre and its dependencies were placed under the control
of the Greek Patriarch, and the other rit^s and religions made
subject to him in this respeet, so that complete immunity was
accorded to the Convent of the Holy Sepulchre.
2. Hegira 862. a.d. 1458. — The Sultan Mehemet, after the
conquest of Constantinople, under the Patriarchate of Athana-
sius, when that Patriarch came to do homage to the Sultan,
issued a Hatti Shereef which confirmed the Greeks in all their
rights of possession and immunities in regard to the Holy
Places previously granted.
3. Hegira 933. a.d. 1527. — The Sultan Suleiman, the Ca-
nimi, under the Patriarchate of Germain, also issued a con-
firmatory Hatti Shereef.
4. Sefer 1044. A.D. 1634. Djem-Evel 1047. a.d. 1637. —
The Sultan Murat IV., under the Patriarchate of Theophane^
issued two Hatti Shereefs, one against the Armenians, and the
other against the Papists, when the latter endeavoured to expel
the Greeks from certain holy places of which they formerly had
possession, and after this act of aggression had been adjudicated
on at Constantinople.
5. Sefer 1054. a.d. 1644. — ^The Sultan Ibrahim renewed
the Hatti Shereef of his predecessor against the Papists, and
annulled all the reformatory acts previously issued in their
favour.
6. Ebbia m EvEL 1067. a.d. 1658. Muharrum 1068. a.d.
1659. — The Sultan Mehemet IV., in consequence of a formal
judgment which took place at Constantinople, issued two Hatti
Shereefs, by which all the absurd pretensions of the Armenians
were put aside, and their encroachments strictly prohibited.
7. Rbjib 1086. A.D. 1677. Zil Hadji 1088. a.d. 1679. —
This same Sultan, under the Patriarch Dossith^e, in consequence
of anew judgment which was given between the Greeks and
SUMMARY OF HATTI SHEREEFS. « 71
the Papists, issued two other Hatti Shereefs, by which the
rights of the former having been fully recognised, all the pre-
ceding ordinances issued against the papists were confirmed
anew.
8. DjEMiw UL Akhir 1099. a.d. 1687. — The Sultan Su-
leiman II., in consequence of a fresh dispute which had arisen
and had been decided under the Patriarchate of Meletus, re-
newed the same Hatti Shereefs above mentioned.
9. ZiLclny 1171. (?)— The Sultan Mustafe renewed the
Hatti Shereefs of his predecessor,
10. The Sultan Selim, under the Patriarchate of Anthimos,
issued two Hatti Shereefs against the pretensions of the Ar-
menians.
11. The Sultan Mahhmood on his accession issued two
Hatti Shereefs, one concerning the Papists, and the other the
Armenians, by which he confirmed all the Hatti Shereefs pre-
viously granted by his predecessors in favour of the Greeks.
12. When the Holy Sepulchre was burnt down, in 1808, by
a special Hatti Shereef the rebuilding of the edifice was by
right (as of right) accorded to the Greeks.
13. Still later the Armenians having advanced pretensions,
a Hatti Shereef ordered an inquiry to be made into them.
14. Under the Patriarchate of Polycarpe, when the Papists
expelled the Greeks by force from the Holy Sepulchre, in order
to prevent their celebrating divine service there, and were
guilty of more than one aggression against them— the Sultan
Mahhmood granted three Hatti Shereefs one after the other in
favour of the Greeks, concerning the free exercise of their
Liturgy under the dome itself of the Holy Sepulchre.
15. Lastly, when the Armenians, by means of wiles and in-
trigues, succeeded in obtaining authority to proceed to repair the
Church of the Resurrection (Holy Sepulchre), of the Holy Beth-
lehem and of the Mount of Olives, a Hatti Shereef annulled
the authorisation above mentioned, and accorded to the Greeks
exclusively the right of making general repairs.
16. His Imperial Majesty, Abdul Majeed, issued four Hatti
Shereefs to renew the four Hatti Shereefs undermentioned ; viz.,
?2 SANCTUARIES POSSESSED BY THE LATINS.
1. The Hatti Shereef (No. 11) concerning the Papists.
2. (No. 13) concerning the Armenians.
3. (No. 14) concerning the Liturgy of the Greeks.
4. (No. 15) concerning the repairs.
Condition of the Sanctuaries poaaessed exclusively
by the Latins vn 1740.
At Jerusalem.
1. The Holy Sepulchre, that is to say the grand cupola,
called the leaden cupola, and the small cupola situated under
the larger one, and covering the tomb itself. The entire court
which surrounds the tomb and the circular space between the
pillars of the dome and the wall, now occupied by the Greeks
after the fire (of 1808).
2. The grand arch which separates the Greek Church from
the dome, and which serves for the choir for the Latins when
they perform their ceremonies before the tomb.
3. The stone of imction and the court which surrounds it,
as far as the door of the church and the chamber now occupied
by the Greeks.
4. The southern half of Calvary, that on which our Saviour
was crucified ; the four interior arches which compose Adam's
chapel, in front of which are the tombs of Godfrey of Bouillon
and of Baudouin, destroyed in 1811 ; as well as five other royal
tombs situated at the foot of the wall of the Greek choir ; the
chamber at the side of Adam's chapel.
5. The grotto of the invention of the Holy Cross and of the
staircase leading to it.
6. The entire court and the altar of the Church of the
Magdalene, the seven contiguous arches called the arches of
the Virgin — below as well as above — ^and the chapel called the
prison chapel.
7. The small church situated at the side of that of the
Magdalene ; the convent of the Latin monks, with half of the
gallery of the great cupola; the adjoining chambers, the
cistern, the gallery above the seven arches of the Virgin and a
covered passage leading to the cupola.
LATIN SANCTUARIES OUTSIDE JERUSALEM. 73
S. The Chapel called the Holy Virgin's, outside the Church
of the Holy Sepulchre, to the south of Calvary, and the entire
space before the door of the Church,
9. The convent of the Holy Saviour (San Salvadore) with
the places appertaining to it — ^the church, gardens, &c.
Outside Jerusalem.
10. The cemetery of Mount Sion.
11. The tomb of the Holy Virgin with the altars of St.
Joseph, St. Joachim, St. Anne. The keys of the church were
in the hands of the Latins, who had the exclusive custody of
them. Other nations (sects or churches), nevertheless, had each
an altar in the church, but they could not perform service at
them without the permission of the Latins, and the tomb of
the Holy Virgin itself was exclusively reserved for the latter.
12. The grotto of Crethsemane with the olive trees and the
adjoining grounds.
13. The grand church of Bethlehem altogether, excepting
the Baptistery ; the grotto of the Manger and the two stair-
cases which lead to it. The Latin monks alone possessed the
three keys, one of the door of the church, and the other two
for each of the side doors of the grotto. Masters of the church,
they could freely enter and there perform all the ceremonies of
their religion at the high altar of the church, as well as at the
two altars situated in the grotto — that of the Nativity, and
that of the manger. A silver star bearing a Latin inscription
was fastened on the Marble, on the spot where our Saviour
was bom. A piece of tapestry bearing the arms of the Holy
Land, and belonging to the Latins, covered the walls of the
grotto. The Latin monks possessed besides at Bethlehem the
square before the church, the entire cemetery and the buildings
known as those of the old mill.
14. The convent situated by the side of the grand church
of Bethlehem, with the small church of St. Catherine, and all
the grounds which extend as far as the Grotto of the Nativity,
and in which are the Sanctuaries of St. Joseph, the Holy
Lmocents, of St. Eusebius, of Saints Paula and Eustachia, of
74 SANCTUARIES IN COMMON.
St. Jerome, of the adjoining garden, and of another garden situ-
ated near the grotto, called the Grotto of Milk.
15. The Grrotto of the Shepherds, and the grounds which
surround it.
16. .The Church of St. John the Baptist in the village of
Ainkarem, with the convent and the garden.
17. The spot where the Holy Virgin visited St. Elizabeth,
near the village of St. John (Ainkarem), and the Grotto of St.
John in the desert.
8anctuaris8 possessed by ihe Latins in corn/rrum
with other nations in 1740.
1. The half of Calvary which properly belongs to the Greeks,
that on which the cross was placed. The Latins possessed, and
still possess, the right of having a ceremony there on Holy
Thursday.
2. The Church of the Tomb of the Virgin, on this under-
standing that the other nations (Churches) should each have
an altar there, and perform their ceremonies there with the
permission and xmder the surveillance of the Latin monks.
8a/nctuaries and Possessions from which the Lati/ns are
now altogether excluded.
At Jerusalem.
1. The seven arches of the Virgin and the chapel of the
prison.
2. The two interior arches of Calvary, the chapel in front
and the chamber which is by the side. The tombs of Godfrey
of Bouillon and of Baudouin have been destroyed.
3. A portion of the court surrounding the stone of unction,
that part where the other tombs were which ' have been de-
stroyed, the Greeks having pushed forward the wall in order
to enlarge their church. The chamber on the right has like-
wise been taken possession of by the Greeks.
4. The space situated between the pillars of the cupola
SANCTUARIES NO LONGER EXCLUSIVELY LATIN. 75
and between the pillars of the waU which the Greeks have
filled up by building chambers there. They have likewise
usurped about four ' pics ' (ells) of space under the great arch
by pushing forward, in order to enlarge their church, the wall
which separated it from the cupola {^Rotuvda).
Outside Jervsaiem.
5. The entire church which encloses the tomb of the Holy
Virgin and the garden by the side of it. The Latins can no
longer perform their ceremonies there — ^nor even enter without
permission of the Greeks, who have the keys.
6. The grand Church of Bethlehem altogether — the two
staircases which lead to the grotto — the altar of the Nativity in
that grotto. The silver star has been carried off. There no
longer remains anything but a few tatters of the tapestry
belonging to the Latin monks. The three keys are at the
present time in the hands of the Greeks.
7. The half of the two gardens of the convent at Bethle-
hem.
8. The place and the stone known as that of the Old Mill.
9. The Grotto of the Shepherds and the surrounding
groimds.
Sanctuaries heUyagvag^ in 1740, eocclusively to the Laivns
in the enjoyment of which other nations (Churches) n,ow
participate.
1. The Holy Sepulchre and the court which surrounds it
under the grand cupola.
2. The stone of Unction. V
3. The Grotto of the Manger at Bethlehem. The Greeks
and the Armenians perform their ceremonies there at the
altar of the Nativity, and the Latins at the altar of the Manger.*
' The ahove statement was evidently drawn up on the Latin side^ before
the restoration of the silver star^ and before the settlement of the question
of the Holy Places.— Ed.
76 FRENCH CONSUL. MONS. P. E. BOTTA.
Secular Representatives of the Latin and Greek interests
in Jerusalem.
Ten years before the Crimean War broke out — in 1843
— ^the French had established a consulate in Jerusalem, and
their Consul became the visible representative and em-
bodiment of the French Protectorate of Christianity.
An attempt was made to hoist the French flag over
the consulate ; but this aroused the jealousy and fanaticism
of the Moslem inhabitants, who rose and tore down the
flag, trailing it m the streets.
This affair led to the removal of the Consul then in
office (the first of his nation appointed to Jerusalem),
who was succeeded by M. Helouis-Jorelle. The affair
of the silver star had shown the French Government the
necessity for having an active man, thoroughly able to
carry out their policy in so important a post.
The third French Consul was M. Botta.
Paul Emile Botta, an old friend of the Patriarch,
arrived in Jerusalem soon after him, as Consul of France.
He was the son of Carlo Botta, the Italian historian, who
had been considered a personal friend of Napoleon I.
The Consul had been in early life employed by the
French Government in botanical researches in both the
Americas, in Arabia, and other countries ; he had also
served as surgeon in an English merchant-ship on a voy-
age to India ; he then became Vice-consul at Mosul, at the
same time with the residence there of the missionary,
now Patriarch, Valerga ; and there he acquired just cele-
brity by his Nineveh explorations at Khorsabad, shortly
before the excavations of Layard were commenced at
RUSSIAN CONSUL-GENERAL MONS. BASILI. 77
Kuynujik. He was a man of literary tastes and amiable
disposition, having a good acquaintance with the Eng-
lish language and literature ; and most pleasant reminis-
cences still remain to me of seeing him busy over his proof
sheets of the great work on his Assyrian discoveries ; or
of walking with him in his garden among the choice
flowers obtained from Europe and elsewhere.
In religious concerns he advocated the Ultramontane
principles and a strenuous defence of the Jesuit Society —
in direct antithesis, therefore, to the habits of his father.
With this earnest temperament, Botta appeared sud-
denly on the scene of the Convent disputes about the
Sanctuaries, and into those heats he threw himself with a
glow of his own, acting, no doubt, in accordance with the
desire of the new Government in Paris, for in the ques-
tion of the Holy Places, the Patriarch, Botta and his
Foreign Office were all of one mind, and maintained
constant communication beyond the range of common
consular topics.
M. Botta's rival in courage and political talent upon
the orthodox side, and a proficient in all the qualities
which Western nations are accustomed to attribute to the
Czar's official agents, was M. Basili, the Eussian Consul-
General, stationed at Beyroot (who has since been Eus-
sian Minister in Greece), who only occasionally visited
Jerusalem, but by means of his correspondents within the
Greek convent there, was able to work efiectively at a
distance.
These two were equally pitted against each other for
the antagonism peculiar to Palestine. The Eussians also
laid claim to a Protectorate over the Eastern Christians
78 RUSSIAN TRAVELLERS. CHANCELLOR MOURAVTEFF,
which, they maintained, had been in some sort recognised
and admitted by the Ottoman Government.
The Eussian Minister at the Porte mentioned to Sir
Stratford Canning that they intended to appeal to the
Treaty of Kainardji in 1774, for authorisation of the
Eussian Protection over the Orthodox Christians in the
Turkish Empire.
I am not aware that he demanded the same on be-
half of the Armenians, who are numerous in the eastern
provinces — but, in fact, in deahng with Pashks far
remote, Eussia does exercise a sort of Protectorate over
the Armenians, in virtue of the head of their Church
being now a Eussian subject at TJtchmiazin.
If the French had their pohtical representative in the
Consul of France, M. Botta ; the Eussians had theirs in M.
Basili.
It was remarked that from the period of the Silver-
star agitation in 1847, and forward, the number of Eus-
sian visitors to Jerusalem had increased. This was only
natiu'al, and their influx was not checked by an unfounded
rumour, in 1849, that Eussia had declared war against
Turkey, and that a combined French and English fleet
was on its way to Constantinople.
Several of these Eussian visitors were interesting men,
well known out of their own country. Among these was
the Chancellor Mouraviefi*, a man of studious and devout
tiu'n of mind, well versed in hterature and ecclesiastical
history, including that of our own Church of England.
He was personally acquainted with several of the English
clergy, one of whom, the chaplain at Cronstadt, had made
a translation of his History of the Eussian Church. He
RUSSIAN SAlLOfiS IN JERUSALEM. 70
stayed some months at Jerusalem making researches into
ecclesiastical antiquities in the vicinity. The name of
Mouravieff had not at that time acquired the notoriety
which afterwards became associated with it elsewhere, in
connection with another member of the family. No re-
miniscences could be more agreeable than those which
this gentleman left after him. The Prince A. de Ineven
was also with us at the same time. He showed me in a
Greek Smymiote newspaper the news that the ' Piraeus '
of Athens was blockaded by an English squadron, and
that the British Minister had been withdrawn from
Athens.
We had a succession of Eussian visitors of distinction
— ^princes, admirals, military officers, diplomatists, cham-
berlains of the Emperor, whom we had the pleasure of
welcoming at the British CJonsulate, as well as personages
of many other nationalities. But the foreign visitors
of eminence during this period were mostly Eussians—
who would naturally report to the State Departments
of their own country what might be useful of the varied
information which they so easily acquired by reason of
their free access to all classes of society wherever they
went.
During the three years preceding the outbreak of the
Crimean War, we had also some half-dozen visits of crews
from Eussian ships of war arriving at Jafia. They
generally came up to Jerusalem in bodies of thirty or
forty at a time, for while the ships lay at anchor the
crews were sent up in successive detachments. These men
are trained to military as well as naval service. They
marched in a uniform of white, with black polished belts,
80 RUSSIAN SAILORS AT THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
and carrying side-arms ; they entered the City in parade
order, having dressed up the file upon the Meiddn (Pub-
Kc Place), before their reaching the gate.
An unexpected incident occurred with regard to some
of these men. It is well known that real Kussians are
no amateurs of a seafaring life; consequently a large
proportion of their marine consists of natives firom the
northern shores of the Baltic. A corps of these seamen
being Finlanders and Lutheran Protestants, more or
less conversant with the German language, applied at our
Protestant church for the privilege of receiving the Holy
Communion in Jerusalem. This was gladly conceded,
and the men knelt in their uniforms at the rails of the
Communion Table, in Christ Church, with the most serious
devotion. Each one at his departure was presented with
a German or a Eussian New Testament from the Bible
repository near the church. I am not sure that Finnish
was to be had at that time, for such an event had not
been expected.
One thing must not be forgotten, which is that before
the final rupture with Turkey in 1853, Eussia had ob-
tained from Eeshid Pasha a promise that permission
should be given to build at Jerusalem a Eussian church
and hospital and hospice for monks of that nation. The
fulfilment of that promise was claimed after the peace in
1856. How the Eussians have availed themselves of it
let any traveller testify who has visited the Holy City,
and has seen the Eussian possessions on the space for-
merly occupied by the Maidan, or pubUc promenade,
where the Turkish troops assembled in 1858 before de-
parting to the war, as described in the opening chapter,
p. 3.
THE RUSSIAN ARCHIMANDRITE PORPHYRIOS. 81
Hitherto the Eussians had appointed no Consul for
Jerusalem, and the Eussian Consul-General at Beyroot
looked after the civil and political interests of the Eus-
sians, having a Jewish Eabbi under his orders in Jeru-
salem, and a Eussian vice-consul in Jaffa. But in March
1853, when the Eiu-opean consuls went to offer con-
gratulations to their Austrian colleague on the Emperor's
preservation from assassination, they met there the
Eussian Archimandrite Porphyrios, a gentleman of very
polished and affable manners, composed in speech, pre-
cise in dress. The cross suspended on his breast by a
large gold chain contained twelve of the largest rubies
I had ever seen. This dignitary had come to superintend
the religious affairs of his nation, and to look after the
pilgrims, and a house was put into order for his residence.
The first ecclesiastic despatched for this purpose to Jeru-
salem came from Eussia about 1848, to the intense disgust
of the Greek local ecclesiastics, the patriarch, the metro-
politan, and his fellow-bishops. Previously tlie Eussian
Empire had been accustomed to forward a yearly subsidy
of fimds to the Holy City, partly as a contribution to the
honour of the Sanctuaries, and partly for maintenance of
the national pilgrims. At one time this* amounted to
8,000/* annually. Among other resources for making up
this fund, the army and navy were assessed in one day's
pay of each year. In return for this the ecclesiastics of
Jerusalem allowed access to the sacred localities and
divine offices, with residence in a small convent out of
the many they (the Greeks) possessed within the walls.
At length the Imperial Government conceived that a
time was come for themselves to manage Eussian affairs,
VOL. L a
82 BARON OLSOFIEFF READS TO THE PILGRIMa
especially in the money matters, besides providing in-
struction for their poor people in their native language.
The Greek or Arabic used in the Church services at
Jerusalem were unintelligible to the Russians, and yielded
but poor satisfaction to those who had shown their devo-
tion by a pilgrimage of above a thousand miles. I knew
an instance of a Eussian nobleman (Baron Olsofieff) feel-
ing so deeply grieved at that state of things, and at seeing
the crowds of his fellow-countrymen attending services
of which they could understand not a word, that he went
to the Protestant English Bible store and bought a Rus-
sian New Testament. The use he made of it was to
collect around him every morning, during the several
weeks of his sojourn, the ignorant yet devoutly inclined
pilgrims, and read to them portions of the sacred volume
for their instruction — a step which the clergy and monks
of the local orthodox establishment regarded with as-
tonishment.
The Greek authorities were extremely angry ajfc th^
Russian inspection of accounts alluded to above, which
they considered a reflection cast upon their probity, and
tending to lower the prestige of their absolute supremacy
in the eyes of the natives. The Russians, however, at-
tended but little to such scruples, and proceeded vigo-
rously to their task.
The Greek Convent authorities, however, had set
themselves to supply any deficiency of income that might
arise to them by purchasing land in or near Jerusalem,
and cultivating the ground for profit wherever that was
likely to be advantageous. This they were able to do,
because some of the members of the convents were natives
PURCHASE OF LANDS BY GREEK CONVENT. 83
of islands in the Archipelago, and therefore Turkish sub-
jects, able legally to buy and hold landed property.
Monks of the Greek Church may hold property during
life, but at death their convent is the heir to whatever
they may have possessed.^
^ The Greek monk most active in the planting and cultivating of land
acquired near Jerusalem, was one named Nikephory — ^who had within the
last five years planted many thousand mulberry trees — besides vines and
olives. Of late he had been fencing in these plantations, and had built miles
of the dry-stone walls used here instead of hedges or other fence. The burly
figure and jovial face of Nikephory were familiar to all the residents in
Jerusalem. It was pleasant to see him out in the open air directing the
peasantry who worked under him, and to reflect that the result of this
expenditure of money and labour must be of the greatest benefit to the city
and to the inhabitants.
G 2
84
CHAPTER IV.
OTHER EUROPEAN CONSULATES IN JERUSALEM.
British Oonsulate, the first founded in 1838 — ^France and Russia founded
theirs in ] 843 — Austrian in 1840 — Sardinian Consulate — Spanish in 1854
— Protection of Anglican Bishopric hy English and Prussian Consuls — M.
Pizzamano Austrian Consul — Dr. Schultz, first Prussian Consul — Suc-
ceeded by Dr. G. Bosen — Prussian Congregation and Institutions — Com-
mercial and Political Consulates — Legal functions of Consuls — ^Various
people protected by the several Consulates — ^The 'Capitulations' — Rank
and precedence of Consuls — ^Vice-Consuls and Cancelli^res — Interpreters
^ dragomans^ — Their position — Eaww&ses or Janissaries — Editoi^s Note
— Mr. Finn, the British Consul — The yarious peoples within the territory
over which the Consulate extended — People protected — Amount of
business transacted — Consulate House.
Of these Consulates in 1853 there were four in Jeru-
salem. The earliest established was the British, during
the Egyptian regime in 1838. Mr. W. Young was the
first British consul. France and Prussia came in 1843,
and the latest was the Austrian, which commenced in
1849. One had previously existed, founded in 1843, the
Sardinian, but it was superseded in the same year as
the Austrian was established. A Spanish Consulate was
foimded in 1854.
The two Protestant Consulates, those of England and
Prussia, had no share in the altercations about the Holy
Places and the Silver Star, and aimed at no kind of pro-
tection over Christian subjects of the Sultan, even though
they should adopt the deiromination of Protestants. Our
relations with the local government were restricted to
EUROPEAN CONSULATES. ENGLISH BISHOPRIC. 85
protection of the persons and property of fellow-country-
men. The Pnissian Consulate had at that time but few-
subjects and but small aflfairs to superintend ; while the
English had its own subjects of both residents and tra-
vellers, besides Maltese, Indians, Canadians, and other
British colonists, with the lonians ps a ' protected ' people,
also a number of protected Jews, together with the con-
siderable property of a church, a hospital, various schools,
and a cemetery to be watched over.
The English and Prussian Consulates had moreover
the joint task of upholding the Protestant (Anglican)
bishopric in relation to the Turkish Government, although
the person and family of the bishop, being naturalised
English subjects, claimed as such the offices of the British
Consulate. The bishopric was purely English, according
to the terms of the original foundation, but the King of
Prussia had the alternate nomination, subject to the veto
of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The European Consuls at Jerusalem were all men of
good standing, and natives of the coimtries which they
severally represented.
The French Consul has been already described. By
this time the Sardinian Considate had been given up.
The Austrian Consul was M. Pizzamano, a Venetian,
formerly an officer in the ' Guarda nobile ; ' a practised
man of the world, of easy manners in society, and good-
tempered. He sang well, having a charming voice.
M. Pizzamano was confident that no nation could match
the Austrians in diplomacy, a science in which they had
long been unrivalled.
In political ideas it was natural that the two German
86 PRUSSIAN SYMPATHIES.
Consuls should have much in common^ and that in an
opposite direction from the views of France and England.
But it was always clearly understood that Prussia sympa-
thised less than Austria with Turkey in the Russian diffi-
culty.^
* EiDglake has well stated the position of Austria in respect to this war,
' The power most exposed to harm from Russian encroachments upon
European Turkey was Austria ; for it was plain that, if tier great neighbour
of the North were to extend his empire in the direction of Moldavia, Wal-
lachia, and Servia, and so come windward round her south-eastern frontier,
she would be brought into grievous danger
. . . . Thus upon Austria, before all other powers there, attached the
care of guarding against encroachments on the European provinces of the
Sultan, and the cogency of this duty towards herself, towards Germany and
towards Europe herself, Austria has always acknowledged/ (' Invasion of
the Crimea,' vol. i.)
He has also clearly defined the influences which swayed the action of
Prussia : —
' Over the councils of Prussia, at this time, the Court of St Petersbuig
had a dangerous ascendancy, but by his actual station as a leading member
of the Confederation, and by his hopes of attaining to a still higher authority
in Germany, the King was forced into accord with Austria upon all questions
which touched the freedom of the Lower Danube, and it was certain that he
would do aU that he safely could to discourage schemes for the disturbance
of the Ottoman Empire. Still he lived in awe of the Emperor Nicholas, and
it was hard to say beforehand what course he would take if he should be
called upon to choose between defection and war.'
The war of 1854 was .undertaken by France and England with the
immediate object of forcing Kussia to abandon the Danubian Principalities ;
but the impulse which they obeyed was generated by a conviction which had
long possessed Western Europe, that the aggressive policy, the arrogant
demeanour and the perpetual intrigues of the Czar Nicholas were an insult
and danger to the whole European community.
To this general consent of European opinion there was a remarkable ex-
ception. Though the German people, particularly in the south, were against
Russia, whose cold and heavy hand they felt upon them — the Prussian Court,
vrith its military and official aristocracy, were understood to have no friendly
feeling for the allies. They denied the justice of the war, echoing the
Russian assertion that the Western Powers were supporting Mohammed-
anism against Christianity ; they did not conceal their pleasure at the trials
of our armies, they predicted their defeat, and were thoroughly disappointed
at the issue of the war. Several causes united to produce this state of feel-
ing. One was the close relations between the reigning families of St, Peters-
PRUSSIAN CONSULS. 87
The Prussian Consul in Jerusalem who at this time
(1853) had just succeeded my friend Dr. Gustav E.
Schultz, was Dr. G. Kosen, a native of lippe-Detmold,
near Hanover, who had been Oriental interpreter to his
Embassy in Constantinople, and enjoyed a considerable
reputation for Oriental learning. It was said that he
had reduced even the Circassian language to something
of grammatical form.^ He was a student in the thorough-
going German sense of the terin, of varied reading, and
having an immense accumulation of knowledge on lan^
guages and literary subjects.
burg and Berlin. Another was the weak scrupulosity of the late King of
Prussia, who would not bring himself to break e^en diplomatically with an
old ally ; another was the general similarity between the Russian and the
then existing Prussian systems of government and political doctrine, which
gave the two states a strong fellow-feeling.
But we believe the strongest of all to have been the deep-rooted jealousy
of France which has possessed the Prussians ever since the days of Jena, which
has been nourished continually by the boasts and threats of the French on
the subject of the Rhine frontier. (' Times/ November 14, 1870.)
' We were told by Count Bemstorff that Prussia was neutral in the
Orimean war, benevolently inclined towards Russia.' (Buke of Cleveland's
speech quoted ' Times,' November 23, 1870.)
^ The following extract from Mendelssohn's ' Lettres in^dites, traduites
par Rolland,' refers to the brother of Br. G. Rosen. The fanuly of Mo-
schellee was brought into close connection by the subsequent marriage of the
Prussian Consul, G. Rosen, with Madlle. S. Moschelles.
Lettre LVIII., Londres, Avril 27, 1832.
Je dois rendre visite k une foule de gens que je n'ai pas encore vus, tandis
qu'avec Klingemann, Rosen * et Moschelles nous nous sommes d^j^ remis sur
Tancien pied, comme si nous ne nous ^tions pas quitt^s.
* Rosen (Fr^d^ric Auguste), c^l^bre orientaliste, n^ le 2 Septembre 1805,
4 Hanovre. 11 ^tudia le Sauscrit sous Bopp et en 1827 il publia ses Radices
san9crit€B. II fut appel^ k Londres par les fondateiurs de la nouvelle
Universiti de Londres pour y enseigner les langues orientales. (The Editor
adds that he was appointed in 1853 to the Jerusalem Consulate, but he mis-
takes him for hb brother, G. Rosen.)
88 COMMERCIAL AND POLITICAL CONSULATES,
There were at this time resident in Jerusalem twenty-
one adult Germans, Protestants of various nations, who
belonged to the Prussian congregation, and who were
cared for by the Prussian Consul. A hospice for travellers
had been founded, and also a hospital and school (for
people of all creeds) under one of the Prussian dea-
conesses of Kaiserswerth.
At the latter institution a pleasant festival was annu-
ally held on the anniversary of the foundation, where all
the friends of the deaconesses and the members of both
the English and German congregations used to assemble
for ' a happy meeting conducted with simplicity/
In establishing consulates all over the world, a line
of distinction seems to have been piu*posely drawn by the
European Powers to include or exclude national profession
of Christianity on the part of those nations to whom the
Consuls were senl . Hence it is that we have Consuls icitk
judicial functions by means of capitulations in Moslem
countries and in China ; while in Christian countries they
have no such functions, all persons alike submitting to
the laws of the land in which they happen to live. Thus
in Turkey and in China, as in Morocco, the European
nations have political as well as commercial Consulates.
"Foreigners residing in these countries have, according to
treaty, the right of being governed by their own laws —
administered by their own officers ; they are not amenable
to the laws of those lands unless when in collision with
the natives of those lands.
The Consuls are, therefore, in those countries invested
with powers to administer the laws of those nations
which they severally represent. All Europeans are only
LEGAL FUNCTIONS OF (X)NSULS. 89
amenable to their own national codes, administered by
their own Consuls ; and in a mixed jurisdiction case of
European and Ottoman parties, the Consul, or his deputy
for him, has the important right of witnessing the pro-
ceedings, of cross-examining witnesses, of arresting the
action even before decision, when dissatisfied with the
mode of procedure, and finally of protesting against the
sentence given, in order to appeal higher.
Thus a cause between two British subjects would be
brought before the British Consul, and not before any
Tiurkish authority, and it would be decided according to
British law. But if a British subject had any claim
against a Turkish subject, or the subject of any other
nation, he would present it in the Turkish Court, or in
the proper Consulate through his own Consul, who would
protect his interests and claim for him the full benefit of
the laws of Turkey, or whatever might be the country
to which the defendant belonged. And if a British
subject had committed any serious crime, as murder,
which rendered him amenable to the law of Turkey, he
could only be tried in the Turkish Court in presence of
his own Consul, whose assent would be required before
sentence cx)uld be carried out.
Political Consuls are not allowed to engage in trade.
A Consul of this description is the official representative
of his countrymen, and protector of aU their interests.
He is, moreover, Judge of the Consular Court, in which
all causes between British subjects are tried, and also all
minor charges made against British subjects by one of
any other nation. The rule in all mixed cases is that a
cause shall be tried in the tribunal of the nation to which
tibe defendant belongs, so as to give him the fiill benefit
90 EUROPEANS PROTECTED BY CONSULS.
of the laws of his own country ; while the prosecution is
carried on with the help of the Consul of the plaintiff,
whom the Consul is bound to advise and inform on all
points necessary for his advantage. The discountenancing
of litigation and promoting of friendly arbitration are
also among the duties of a British Consul.
The Turkish Government permitted European resi-
dents or travellers, when unrepresented by Consuls of
their own nation, to place themselves for the time of
residence under the protection of any European Consul
they might choose, and who would accept the charge ;
generally such affairs ran in grooves, modified by circum-
stances ; thus the Austrian Consulate had for its appendix,
by authority from home, the supervision of Belgian
business, by reason of the family connection of those
two crowns ; and the French in like manner acted for
all the states of Italy at the request of the latter, besides
having the general office of Protection of all the Chris-
tianity that was Eoman ; while the Christianity of Eussia,
Greece, and the Protestant countries simply declined to
avail itself of the French protectorate under any regime^
Orleanist, Eepublican, or Imperial, and dealt with the
Ottoman ruler each on its several behalf.
With respect to Germany, its people distributed them-
selves mostly according to the belongings of the * Zollve-
rein,' which, again, almost always coincided with the estab-
lished religion of their States (Hanover being an exception);
the Protestants registering themselves with the Prussians,
and the Eoman Catholics with the Austrians. Danes,
Swedes, Dutch, and some Tuscan Jews, as also Americans,
usually had recourse to the British Consulate.
The territorial extent of the several Consular juris-
TIIE CAPITULATIONS. 91
dictions at Jerusalem was the same as that of the Pashahc
— only the English one embraced the whole of Palestine,
from Egypt to the Lebanon.
And whereas the original idea of the establishment
of Consulates in Turkey was a development of Embassies,
with a view to protection of mercantile interests, it was
only by means of having dependant agencies at the ports
that the oflBce of Consul could have been fairly recognised
in Jerusalem. Once instituted, it became easy to engraft
upon that office other duties, as was in fact done with
advantage to the country represented and the country
which allowed them.
The Consub act under authority of treaties made at
simdry times in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
which, when collected together, are denominated 'the
Capitulations.'
In our days the Turks are impatient of tolerating
these Capitulations, which, they contend, were suited to
earlier times, and a different range of action. Being now
admitted to the comity of European nations, they expect
to be placed on the same footing with these in every
point. But we must not suffer ourselves to ignore the
fact that the official morale of Turkish governors are
not yet so far improved, upon those of former days, as to
admit of removing British lives and property-interests
from the aegis of their own national laws and responsible
administration, and leaving them to the corruption of
Mohammedan pashks and kadis.^
^ It does not appear necessary to discuss here the subject of abrogating
the Turkish capitulations, on the ground of their being doruments which
have outlived their time^ and being no longer suitable to the civilisaUon and
92 RANK OP CONSULS.
The rank of the Consuls had been defined to be equal
with that of the Turkish Governor, or Pashk — so that
disputes about the proper etiquette might be avoided —
and British Consuls were not allowed to ride out to meet
and receive a new Pasha on his arrival, lest their doing
so should be construed into an admission of his being
in any sense subordinate to the Pashk, or under his juris-
diction. But when a new Pasha (or Consul) arrived, it
was customary for the Consulates to send their Vice-
Consuls, Cancellieres, dragomans, and kawwasses out of
the dty to meet and welcome him — and form part of the
procession which escorted him into the city. Due notice
was therefore always given of the approach of the new
officer. The Consul who had lived longest in the city
was regarded as. senior by the rest, who gave him prece-
dence as * Doyen ; ' the others followed according to their
seniority. As to the precedence of British Consuls in
regard to their own countrymen, that was settled by
regulation : ' Consuls rank with, but after^ Captains, K.N".,
or Colonels and Lieutenant-Colonels ; but before Com-
manders, E.N., or Majors in the Army.* The regula-
commerce of our age. The corrupt practice of Turkish Courts and favour-
itism of the authorities, on which from experience I feel strongly, are
sufficient to demand still the continuance of some strong guarantees for pro-
tection of Europeans.
This, however, I may assert, that the abuses and irregularities in Consular
action, of which we read occasionally in newspaper correspondence and in
reports of Parliamentary debates, were almost unknown to us in Jerusalem.
It was an established rule never transgressed, that in mixed ca^es, whether of
our subjects with Turkish subjects, or with European foreigners, the matters
at issue were judged and sentenced in the Court of the Defendant — there was
no confusion at aU about it. And as for unfair protection of Turkish subjects
by the Consulates, I believe that existed to but a small extent, and more in
the sea ports than with us. It was never known at all in the British service.
VICE-CONSULS. CANCELLIERES. 1)3
tions also provided that Consuls should be entitled to
salutes from British men-of-war, to the number of seven
guns, and Consuls-General to nine.
To most of the Consulates were attached gentlemen
holding the rank of Cancelliere, or of Vice-Consul, and
also interpreters (called dragomans). The former were
generally natives of the country represented by the
Consulate itself; the latter were almost of necessity
Datives of Turkey, because English and other foreign
gentlemen could not be found able to speak, read, and
write the Oriental languages, Turkish and Arabic, neces-
sary for the transaction of business. Perhaps it should
rather be said that funds were not at disposal of the
various Consuls to enable them to pay adequate salaries to
gentlemen competent to perform the duties required of
Consular dragomans. These duties were often very
delicate, and it was essential to secure gentlemen in
whom confidence could be placed. Sometimes natives
educated partly in Europe were employed. The other
European Consulates were enabled to seciure the attach-
ment of their interpreters by a more hberal system of
treatment than that adopted under the English systeuL
Dragomans who faithfully served the Consulate to
which they were attached, were obliged to break with
their own Government, and for this there was no reward
attainable, even after many years of ill-paid service.
There was neither pension nor status conferred, so that a
dragoman, after having served during the best years of
his life, and having incurred hostility m proportion to the
fidelity and zeal of his service, was at last liable to be set
adrift, to begin life over again and be exposed to ill-will
94 DRAGOMANS. KAWWASES.
which he need never have incurred, unless he had
subordinated his own personal interests to those of the
nation whose temporary employ^ he had been. As already
said, other European nations managed these things better
than we did.
Each Consulate had attached to it several men called
Janissaries or Kaww&ses (Bow-men), i.e. entitled to carry
arms. These were necessarily Moslems, because they
were intended both as body-guard and recognised gens-
d'armes and police. It was necessary that they should
have the right of using arms, though in our time they
were used for shpw rather than for use, and that they
should be recognised as Moslems, who could, if necessary,
be useful in dealing with Moslems who might be aggres-
sive in attack. They might safely strike or lay hands on
an uiu'uly Moslem, or arrest him if a thief, which a
Christian could not have done without provoking a riot,
if not worse.
These men were provided with silver-headed staves of
office, which they carried when on official business, or
when escorting the Consul himself in town or coimtry.
They preceded the Consul. In the bazaars people usually
rose up to salute a Consul as he passed by, and sentinels
on duty presented arms. At sea, it was customaiy for
steamers on nearing port to hoist the flag of the nation to
which any Consul on board belonged. Sometimes two
Kaww&ses were barely sufficient for the business of the
consulate; at other times four, five, or more, were
necessary.
One of my Kaww&ses had been a captain of the Camel
Commissariat to Ibrahim Pashk's army* He was grave,
EDITOR'S NOTE. 95
silent, faithful as, steel, and brave beyond question, as on
several occasions I had reason to know. Another was a
townsman from the north of Syria, who had served in the
Army of Egypt under Mohammed Ali against the Waha-
bees, whom he held in abhorrence. He used to say that
in battle a good Moslem ought to present his piece at the
enemy — then shut his eyes and lire, and God sends the
bullet where He wills. This is in warfare, where of
course there is no personal enmity. Both of these men
were Hajjis, having performed the Mecca pilgrimage.
The latter was somewhat bigoted; but they both exe-
cuted all the business which I entrusted to them, without
making any difference to the disadvantage of Christians.
Both these men were ready at all times and willing to
mount and go anywhere — in any weather, sun or rain,
-wind or snow, at a moment's notice ; and I rarely, if ever,
had to complain of the least departure from the orders I
had given them to carry out.
EDITOKS NOTE.
The author has described the various Consulates and the
machinery by which they were carried on, I may be per-
mitted to add a few words descriptive of himself.
Mr. Kinglake, in describing Lord Baglan, declares that the
best way of enabling men to arrive at an estimate of a man's
character is to give ' honest samples of what he said and what
lie wrote, of his manner of commanding men and maintaining
an alliance ' . . • to * show how he comported himself in times
of heavy trial.' He argues that in this way * his true nature,
with its strength and with its human failings, will be so far
brought to light, that I may be dispensed from the need of
striving to portray it ; and, contenting myself with speaking of
some of the mere outward and visible signs which showed upon
96 THE BRITISH CONSUL MR. FINN.
the surface, may leave it to his countrymen to ascend, by the
knowledge of what he did, to the knowledge of what he was.'
(Kinglake's ' Invasion of the Crimea.')
In editing and compiling this ' History of the Holy Land
during the Crimean War,' partly written by my husband and
partly sketched out by him in copious notes ready to be put
together, I have felt that there is contained in tlie history
much which illustrates the life and character of my husband
himself, during this important period of his eighteen years'
career as Her Majesty^s Consul for Jerusalem and Palestine.
There are still some living who remember the time within
which the events occurred, and who were then in the Holy
Iiand. They will be reminded, as they read these pages, of
him who wrote them, of his frank truthfulness — his unfailing
kindness to all who were in sorrow or distress — of the quiet
courage* that shrank from no duty, however dangerous it
might be, that dealt firmly with criminals of the most desperate
character, obtaining their arrest and punishment without regard
to anything they or their gang of evil*doers might attempt.
They will recollect how he went fearlessly about by day or by
night in the city or in the country — alone if necessary — ^how
he acted promptly without bluster — never wavered or went
back from his word ; and shrank from no fatigue if there was
business to be done — how he rode from Nazareth t/O Jerusalem
in two days — from Tiberias in a day and a half when his pre-
sence was necessary — from Hebron to Jerusalem in a little
more than two hours, when the depositions were to be taken of
a poor Jew who was supposed to be dying — or to Graza in a
day from Jerusalem for the comfort of the frightened Christians
who were in dread of a Moslem rising — ready in all weathers,
pouring rain, or snow^ or the heat of the Dead Sea plain at the
end of August, if some British subject needed his help, or
British interest needed to be strengthened !
' * That which more than all else in the world takes hold of the Oriental
mind/ says Einglake, ' is strenf^th held in reserve.' To the Orientals at least,
with whom he had to do, Mr. flnn's quiet manner conveyed the impression
of ' strength held in reserve.' They and others used to say they could not
bear the steadfast gaze of Ids eye.
UMITS AND POPULATION OF JERUSALEM CONSULATE. 97
There are still some left who will fill in the portrait of
which this History cannot fail to suggest some outlines to those
who knew the author as the patient, kind, and just British
Consul, who, amid many discouragements and trials, strove to do
his duty, and to carry out the policy of England as laid down
by the instructions given him, and interpreted by the actions
of his superiors. Colonel Rose (Lord Strathnaim) in the
Lebanon, Sir Stratford Canning (Lord Stratford de Redcliffe)
at Constantinople, and Lord Palmerston in London.
Within the British Consulate of Jerusalem and Palestine
were three independent Pashalics — ^those of Jerusalem, Acre,
and Saida (Sidon) ; the Pasha of the latter district resided at
Beyroot. It extended in those days from the frontiers of Egypt
to the confines of the Beyroot Consulate in the Lebanon, and
from the Mediterranean Sea as far eastwards as British travellers
might be found in need of aid or protection.
The various peoples within the territory over which the
Consulate extended were Turks, Arabs, Jews, Fellahheen (pea-
santry), Samaritans, Druses, Maronites, Ansaireyeh, Syrians^
Kurds, Gipsies, Turkomans, all natives of the land.
Besides these were representative communities of Arme-
menians, Copts, Abyssinians, Negro and other African races,
Persians, Tartars, G-reeks, Indians, and all the great European
nations. Pilgrims came from all these and from the smaller
nations — Bulgarians, Wallachians, Circassians, Afghans. Some-
times even Chinese came, and an increasing number of European
and American travellers arrived year by year.
There were the religious communities of all the Christian
Churches, native and foreign, eastern and western, — the Shiah
Moslems among the Metawilah in the north, Jews of all kinds,
including Karaites.
And some of almost all these found their way to the British
Consulate, for one reason or another.
Those whom the British Consul of Jerusalem was bound to
protect were, first, all English-bom British subjects, whether
from Great Britain, India, the colonies, or Malta, whether
residents or travellers between the boundaries of Egypt and thQ
yOL. I. H
98 DUTIES AND SALARY.
Lebanon, south to Petra, or as fer eastwards beyond Jordan as
British travellers chose to venture. Then, the prot^g^ as
Ionian islanders (before the cession of the Islands), Russian
Jews transferred to British care, and Europeans who, having no
other Consul, chose the British Consul as their own for the time
being. The British Consul was also instructed to use his
friendly offices on behalf of the Samaritans, Abyssinians, and all
Jews in distress.
With all the business of this extensive Consulate to transact,
it was not possible to have the assistance of either Secretary,
CancelliSre, or Vice-Consul during these years, 1853-6. Mr,
E. T. Bogers had formerly been Mr. Finn's CancelliAre, but was
now appointed Vice-Consul in Caiffa. He happened to be in
Jerusalem, and was therefore sent to attend the Pashd. at
Hebron in 1853, and again to bring the Rev. S. Lyde fix)m
Nabloos after the riot. But in the business of the Consulate
there was no assistant but the Arab and Jewish interpreters for
their own special department. The Consul's salary (till 1861)
was nominallv 550^., with 1502. for official allowance. The
5S0L was reduced by double (war) income tax, superannuation
tax, etc, nearly lOOi., leaving only 4502., out of which to sup-
plement the 150i. which was wholly insufficient for pay of in-
terpreters— Kawwasses, official fees on stated occasions to Orien-
tals, besides the keep of a horse, stationery, and other expenses
inseparable from the duties of office. It may be imagined that
after deduction of all these there was not much left for main-
tenance and education of family, and nothing at all for salary
of Secretary and Cancelli^re. So that the British Consul alone
of all the Consuls in Jerusalem had to do the work of his office
single-handed. The despatches for 1853-6 to London, Bey-
root, and Constantinople, were in number 761. There- were
office registers to be minutely kept and accounts. There were
the weekly letters to the agents at Jaffa, Caiflfa, Acre, Tyre,
and Sidon. There were all the documents and letters referring
to cases brought before the Consular court, or in other Consul-
ates, or the Turkish courfs and the Pashs^ with innumerable
travellers' applications and letters.
BRITISH CONSULATE HOUSE. 99
The public olBSce work by day, and all this mass of writing
chiefly by night, — What health or stretigth could endure the
strain of all this labour, anxiety, and responsibility during
seventeen years of unbroken work in harness ?
The British Consulate Houae.
The Turkish Government, after Syria had been restored to
them, were induced by the representations of interested parties
to stop the building of the English church, begun on Mount
Zion during the days of the Egyptian occupation of the country
under Mehemet Ali.
The London Jews Society, to whom the funds for building
the Church were entrusted, then applied to the British Govem-
menty and in 1845 Sir Stratford Canning obtained a Firman
authorising the building to be continued as a Consular Chapel.
Plans were therefore drawn out for the British Consulate,
which was to be at the entrance of the square of buildings
intended to surround the Church, and the Consul was requested
to occupy as soon as possible a house, to be built first, adjoining
the Church, intended as the parsonage, and to use it as the
temporary Consulate until the real one could be built. This
proposal was accepted in order that the building of the Church
might be no longer delayed.
But the British Consulate never was built at all.
The parsonage-house was occupied by the Consul till 1857,
when it was given up by request of the Committee of the Jews
Society, who represented to the Government that in the
altered state of affairs since the publication of the Sultan's
Edicts of Toleration, there would be no longer any need for
Chri^ Church to be regarded as a Consular Chapel.
The parsonage was ill adapted for a Consulate, having in
all only six rooms besides the underground kitchen, &c. The
three bedrooms allowed of no accommodation for domestic
servants. The two principal sitting rooms, thrown into one,
afforded only tolerable accommodation for the Consul's business
and receptions, and the family had but one small room, ten feet
h2
100 THE CONSULATE HOUSE TOO SMALL,
by twelve, for all purposes. There was no accommodation for
officials — whether Secretary, Gancellidre, Dragomans, or even
Kawwasses.
The other European residents had domestic servants in
their houses. The English Bishop and the foreign Consids had
room for their official Kawwasses. No one but the British
Consul and his fitmily were thus left without room for the
most necessary attendance by night, or even any waiting room
for Kawwasses and the numerous applicants on business of every
kind, for shelter by day from sun in summer, and rain and
snow in winter.
During the last few months a small office near at hand was
repaired and let to the Consul for rmd by the kindness of the
Lay Secretary to the mission.'
In order to complete our picture of the c>ondition of
affairs in the Holy Land during the Crimean war, several
other classes of people must be described — the Jews,
native and foreign, and the Protestants, native and foreign.
Lastly, it will be necessary to give some account of
the governors of the country, the Turks, and of the
nature of their hold upon the province, and of the ma-
chinery by which it was maintained : also of the general
Moslem population all over the country. To these sub-
jects the succeeding chapters shall be devoted.
^ The late Mr. Jamee Graham.
101
CHAPTER V.
POSITION OP JEWS IN PALESTINE — PERSECUTION — ^ENGLISH
PROTECTION OF JEWS — TRANSFER OF RUSSIAN JEWS.
Position of Jews in Palestine — Four holy Oities: Jerusalem, Hebron,
Tiberias, and Safed — Sephardxm, or Spanish Jews — ^ First in Zion/ %. e.
Chief Babbi — His Council or Beth-din — Synagogues — Ashkenasim, or
European Jews from Germany, Russia, &c. — Lord Palmerston's protection
of Jews in Palestine, 1889 — ^Blood-persecution in Damascus, 1840 —
Further action of Lord Palmerston, 1841 — Threatened persecution in
1847 by the Greek Christians — Scene in the Pash&'s Court — Action of
British Consul — Jews excluded from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre
— Transfer of Russian Jews to British protection — ^Special fasts observed
by the Jews — Visit of Sir M. Montefiore — Jewish coinage — Anointing of
the Keys of Jerusalem by the Jews — Dues paid to Moslems — Wailing
place — Rachel's Sepulchre — Place of Slaughtering — Employment of Jews
at Industrial Plantation and Urtas — Industrial plans of Sir M. Montefiore
— Rothschild and the 'Hebrew Alliance' — System of ShUichuth, or
Messengers — Attachment of Israelites to the Holy Land — Chdluka, or
distribution of Alms — Hebrew language living still — Used in the British
Consulate — Hebron and Safed Jews — Excellent moral character of the
Jews — ^Translation of Addrei^ from Rusuan Jews.
During Hadrian's reign the final revolt of the Jews took
place, under the False Messiah Bar Cochab, and the
nation was then fully expelled from the Land of Promise.
A few returned to Jerusalem after the Moslem conquest ;
but the Jews were never fiilly tolerated till after Saladdin
had overthrown the Crusading kingdom, and finally esta-
bhshed Moslem rule. Aft^r this period Jews gradually
crept back to the Holy City.
At the period of this history (1853-6), there were
about 10,000 Jews in Jerusalem. The modem Jews
102 THE SEPHARDIM.
within their ancient land cannot fail to present an inte-
resting field for contemplation.
In 1853 the Hebrew population was, as now, almost
entirely congregated within their four holy cities :^-Jeru-
salem, sacred to them on accomit of the Temple and its
sacrifices ; Hebron, on account of Machpelah, in which
are laid the three Patriarchs and their wives, excepting
Eachel ; Tiberias and Safed, as cradles of the Talmud and
homes of venerated Kabbis of ancient generations.
The people are to be classed as —
1. The Orientals^ called ' Sephardim,' who are almost
exclusively subjects of Turkey, and speak Spanish in their
family intercourse, being mainly descendants of the re-
fugees from Spain and Portugal, when banished thence in
the fifteenth century : their very dialect of the Spanish
language is antique in its peculiarities. These people are
but few in Safed and Tiberias; but in Jerusalem and
Hebron are more numerous. In Jerusalem they more
than double the number of other Jews, and are regarded
by the Turkish authorities as the Jews par excellence.
Their representative to the government is styled the
' Chacham Bashi ' in Turkish, but among his own people
he enjoys the honoured appellation of 'First in Zion.'^
His secretary is also recognised as a public oflScer, having
a seat in the Common Council of the city. This Chief
Eabbi administered civil and religious law under penalties
of fine, imprisonment, and bastinado, to the extent
allowed by the Pentateuch. He is assisted by a council
of seven Eabbis, called the ' Seven Seals,' each of whom
is a judge in an inferior court of his own. Besides these,
* jl^V^ f\^\X^ of Isaiah xli. 27, "without the Italics of our English version.
THE FIRST IN ZION. 103
there are officials in sufficient variety among themselves,
superintending different departments of administration.
The Chief Eabbi and his council aflEect the outward
forms of supremacy in dealing with Eabbis or synagogues
of foreign countries, based on the text of Isaiah ii. 3:
* For out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of
the Lord from Jerusalem ; ' but in the present state of the
Hebrew nation, the Eabbis of other lands concede to him
no pre-eminence in authority. The chief at Amsterdam
or Wilna considers himself no more bound to submit to
the chief at Jerusalem than he would be to the chief of
Paris or London, notwithstanding that a certain degree of
sanctity and deference would anywhere be attributed to
the ruler of the people in the Holy City — ^at lea6t such
was the case till of late years.
In times gone by these native Jews had their fiill
share of suffering from the general tyrannical conduct of
the Moslems, and, having no resources for maintenance in
the Holy Land, they were sustained, though barely, by
contributions from synagogues all over the world. This
mode of supply being understood by the Moslems, they
were subjected to exactions and plunder on its account
from generation to generation (individuals among them,
however, holding occasionally lucrative offices for a time).
This oppression proved one of the causes which have
entailed on the community a fiightful incubus of debt,
the payment of interest on which is a heavy charge upon
the income derived from abroad.
In Jerusalem their synagogues are four, and all col-
lected under one roof, so that they may pass from each
into the others, and they axe but meanly furnished. They
104 ■ THE SYNAGOGUES. TIEE ASHKENAzIM.
are named — 1. The Great; 2. The Medium; 3. The
Tahnud Torah ; 4. The Stambouli. The people believe
the first of these to have remained imdisturbed since the
fall of the second Temple.
f .
Such is the outward framework of their society. The
small commimity of Arabic-speaking Morocco Jews of
similar origin with these are subject to the Sultan.
2. There is a distinct community of Jews called the
' Ashkenfl^im,' who are an aggregate of various religious
sections. They are mostly natives of Germany, Eussia,
and the Danubian principalities ; their common language is
in substance German, but modified by Kussian, Polish, or
Wallachian, according to their native places. As subjects
of European Powers, they are, equally with Christians
from the same respective countries, placed under consular
protection and magistrature, according to the capitulations
with the Porte. Their children, though born in Pales-
tine, retain the nationality of the parents. These, how-
ever, are not numerous, and the Ashkenaz population is
kept up by fresh arrivals from abroad of persons in old
age, who come for the privilege of dying and being
buried in holy ground. Each sect of the Ashken^zim
(Perushim, Chab&d, Ansh^ Hod, &c.) is independent of
the rest, and has its separate ' House of Judgment ' and
synagogue. The Chorbah synagogue of the Perushim,
recently restored from a ruin of ancient date, is believed
to have existed from the days of Eabbi Judah han-Nasi,
the compiler of the! Talmud] Mishnah*
Upon the internal government of both divisions of
Judaism, in the Holy Land, with all its abuses of irre-
sponsible Eabbinical domination, the observations that
JEALOUSIES BETWEEN THE COMMUNITIES. 105
might be made do not seem to belong to the character
of this work. They are well understood — alas ! too well
— ^in the country itself ; and the Israelites of Europe, who
are aware of the same, while despairing of a remedy,
have little desire to see the evils divulged, as they are
fearful of the foundations of Eabbinism itself becoming
consequently undermined.
Until the English Consulate was established in Jeru-
salem, there was, of course, no other jurisprudence in the
country than that of the old-fashioned corruption and
self-will of the Mohammedans, and for many ages but
very few (often none) of the European Jews ventured to
make an abode in Palestine. A man is now^ living, who,
as a child, was brought there by his father on a venture,
as there was then no Ashkenaz congregation in Jerusalem
— the father just made up the minyan^ or number of ten,
required by Jewish canon law to form a congregation for
public worship. According to our ideas it is scarcely
praiseworthy, in the ' Sephardim,' that they have always
placed obstacles in the way of European Jews forming
settlements together with them in the Holy Land, declar-
ing to the Turkish authorities that there are difficulties in
the way of recognising these people as genuine IsraeUtes,
and much of that feeling still remains, as I have reason
to know ; indeed, it is upon this groimd that the * Sephar-
dim * hold their monopoly from the government for legal
slaughtering of animals for food to be used by all the
Jews in Jerusalem.
The Egyptian Government, with its rigour and rough*
handed justice, afforded much reUef to all non-Moslem
^ In 1872.
l06 LOKD PALMERSTON PROTECTS THE JTEt*^.
inhabitants of Jerusalem ; and the institution of consulates
in the Holy City proved a further blessing to non-Turkish
subjects of all religions, but especially to the poor op-
pressed IsraeUtes.
In 1839, Lord Palmerston's direction to his first C!on-
sul in Jerusalem was ' to afford protection to the Jews
generally.' The words were simply those, broad and
hberal as under the circumstances they ought to be, leav-
ing after . events to work out their own modifications.
The instruction, however, seemed to bear on its face a
recognition that the Jews are a nation by themselves, and
that contingencies might possibly arise in which their
relations to Mohammedans should become different,
though it was impossible to foresee the shape that future
transactions might assume on the impending expulsion of
the Egyptians from Syria.
Then came the atrocities of Passover, 1840, in Dar
mascus, inflicted on the Jews there for the alleged crime'
of eating or drinking the blood of the Capuchin Friar,
Thomas — cruelties and murders that were hounded on
by the French Consul, Eugene Bor6 — and this was during
the Egyptian regime. In the summer of that year the
Jewish deputation from Europe, consisting of Montefiore,
Cremieux, and Lowe, arrived in Syria for investigation of
those deplorable occurrences. A few months later came
the bombardment of Acre and restitution of Syria to the
Turks. Then our Government at once brought before the
consideration of the Porte the condition of Jews already
settled, or who might afterwards settle themselves in
Palestine.
In April 1841, Lord Palmerston forwarded a circular
PEBSECUnON OF JEWS. 107
to his agents in the Levant and Syria, which began by
stating that, as far as documents could avail, the law of
Turkey had by that time become all that might reason-
ably be expected for toleration of the Jews, but that the
diflBculty remained as to enforcing an honest administra-
tion of that law. The Porte, however, had declared its
determination that the law should be righteously
administered, and had even promised Her Majesty's
Ambassador that ' It will attend to any representation
which may be made to it by the Embassy, of any act of
oppression practised against the Jews.'
The Consul was, therefore, to investigate diligently
all cases of oppression exercised upon Jews that might
come to his knowledge, and report to the Embassy, and
although he might only act officially in behalf of persons
actually as of right under British protection (by this time
there was a French Consul in Jerusalem), the Consul was
on every suitable occasion to make known, to the local
authorities, that the British Government felt an interest
in the welfare of Jews in general, and was anxious that
they should be protected from oppression. He was also to
make known the offer of the Porte to attend to cases of
persecution that might be reported to the Embassy.
Accordingly, in 1842 a bad case was thus represented
as occurring at Hebron, on the part of Shaikh Baddo and
others.
In 1847 it seemed probable that the Christian pil-
grims, instigated by the Greek ecclesiastics, were about
to reproduce the horrors enacted at Rhodes and Damascus
in 1840.
A Greek pilgrim boy, in a retired street, had thrown a
108 ACCUSATIONS MADE BY THE GREEKS.
stone at a poor little Jew boy, and, strange to say, the
latter had the courage to retaliate by throwing one in re-
turn, which unfortunately hit its mark, and a bleeding
ankle was the consequence. It being the season of the
year when Jerusalem is always thronged with pilgrims
(March), a tumult soon arose, and the direst vengeance
was denounced against all Jews indiscriminately, for
having stabbed (as they said) an innocent Christian child,
with a knife, in order to get his blood, for mixing in
their Passover biscuits. The poUce came up and both
parties were taken down to the Seraglio for judgment ;
there the case was at once discharged as too trivial for
notice.
The Convent Clergy, however, three days afterwards,
stirred up the matter afresh, exaggerated the state of the
wound inflicted, and engaged to prove to the Pashk from
their ancient books that Jews are addicted to the above
cannibal practice, either for purposes of necromancy, or
out of hatred of Christians, on which His Excellency
unwisely suffered the charge of assault to be diverted into
this different channel, which was one that did not concern
him ; and he commanded the Jews to answer for them-
selves on the second day afterwards. In the interval,
both Greeks and Armenians went about the streets in-
sulting and menacing the Jews, both men and women,
sometimes drawing their hands across the throat, some-
times showing the knives which they generally carry about
with them, and, among other instances brought to my
notice, was that of a party of six catching hold of the son
of the late Chief Eabbi of London (Herschell) and
shaking him, elderly man as he was, by the collar, crying
SCENE m THE PAShX'S COURT. 109
out, * Ah ! Jew, have you got the knives ready for our
blood ! '
On the day of the Seraglio-hearing, the scene in the
Mejlis was a most painful one. The Greek ecclesiastical
party came down in great force, and read out of Church
historians and controversial writings of old time the
direct and frequent accusations levelled against the Jews
for using Christian blood in Passover ceremonies. The
Moslem dignitaries, being appealed to, stated that in their
sacred books such charges against the Jews are to be
found indirectly mentioned, and therefore the crime may
be inferred as true: it was possible to be true. The
Babbis deputed from the Chief Eabbi, pale and trem-
bhng argued from the Old Testament, and all their legal
authorities, the utter impossibihty of the perpetration
of such acts by their people, concluding with an appeal
to the Sultan's Firm&n of 1841, which declares that
thorough search having been made into this matter,
both as to Jewish doctrine and practice, the people of
Israel were entirely innocent of that crime advanced
against them.
On this the Pashk required them to produce the
Firmftn on the second day afterwards, the intervening day
being Friday, the Moslem Sabbath. I then arranged with
the Pashk that I should be present at the meeting, and
early on Saturday went down to the Seraglio ; but earlier
still His Excellency was happy (he said) to acquaint me
that the Pirm&n had been produced, and on his asking
the accusers and the Effendis in council if they could
venture to fly in the face of that document, they had,
with all loyalty, pronounced it impossible ; he therefore
110 ACTION OF THE BRITISH CONSUL AND MISSIONARIES.
had disposed of the case by awarding a trifling fine for
medical treatment of the wounded ankle.
No other Consul took part in the business, except that
the Sardinian assured me in private conversation that
there could be no doubt of Jews using Christian blood in
the Passover rites whenever they could get it ; or at any
rate that they did so in the Middle Ages.
On the other hand, the Protestant missionaries to the
Jews, during the time of the dispute, offered to the Chief
Eabbi their aid by testifying that, whereas they were all
learned in Jewish matters, and some of them Jews by
birth and education, the charges respecting the use of
blood were entirely false. It did not, however, seem
necessary to accept their friendly offer. The P^ishk
doubtless by this time perceived that the case was Ukely
to prove more troublesome than was expected.^
In the same year I was again obliged to interfere on be-
half of the Jews. Solomon Aglai, a Jew, was on his way to
Jaffa by night, accompanied by a Moslem muleteer, and
both were robbed and murdered on the highway ; both
were Turkish subjects, and a considerable stir was made in
the matter. A report from some malicious quarter reached
the Pashk that the Chief Eabbi had instigated the crime
for reasons of his own ; in consequence the Jewish official
dragoman was seized and imprisoned for some hours till
further particulars should come to light. This caused a
great panic among the Jews, who implored my help, and
considerable excitement among the Moslems. Having
satisfied myself that it must be a false accusation, and
^ The Pash^ perceived that the case was being carefully watched by the
British Consul; who would report any injustice done to the Jews. — ^Ed,
JEWS EXCLUDED FROM THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. Ill
aware that it was dangerous to let the idea gain ground
that the Jews had had a Moslem murdered, I applied
to His Excellency, representing my instructions from
home. The charge against the Chief Eabbi was then
dropped, and no more was heard of it. The excitement
subsided as quickly as it had arisen.
About this time a Jew was set upon by the crowd of
fanatic Christian pilgrims, and nearly killed, for having
crossed the farthest side of the open square which is in
front of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre ; he, being newly
arrived from Europe, was unaware of the city custom
which restricts that passage to Christians, who, however,
admit the Moslems because they dare not shut them out.
Eedress was sought through the English Consulate,
although the man was a Bussian or an Austrian subject,
because he had no Consul of his own. I appealed to the
Pashk. The Greek ecclesiastics pleaded before him that
the passage was not a pubUc thoroughfare, but part of the
Sanctuary pf Christianity, and only used for transit upon
sxifferance. They even dared to send me word that they
were in possession of an ancient Firm&n which fixed the
' Deeyeh,' or blood-fine, to be paid by them if in beating
a Jew in that vicinity for trespass they happened to
kill him, at the sum of ten parks, about one half-penny
English. However ridiculous or wicked such a
message might be, it was nevertheless a duty to report it
at Constantinople, with a view to an authoritative con-
tradiction of the statement. As might have been ex-
pected, the official reply was that no such document ever
existed. Thus that mischievous untruth was silenced, but
the incident shows the disposition of the high convent
112 FOREiaN OFFICE INSTRUCTIONS ABOUT JEWS.
authorities towards the Jews. It may be that they them-
selves believed there was such a Rrmftn: if so, what
degree of pity or UberaUty could one expect from the
multitude of brutal pilgrims ? The Pashk said that he
know of no such Firm&n as that referred to, but that
Greeks, Latins, and Armenians, aU believed a Jew might
be killed with impunity under such circumstances.
In consequence of this and some other circumstances
taking place in Jerusalem, another instruction was issued
by the Foreign Office, to the effect that whenever any
Austrian, French, or other European Jew should be
suffering under persecution or injustice, and should be
repudiated by his own Consul, the English Consul might
take up his case, unless the repudiating Consul, when
applied to, should assign some strong and sufficient reason
for objecting to that action. The spirit herein contained,
notwithstanding the establishment since of other Consu-
lates, was in conformity with the rule in 1839 * to afford
protection to Jews generally.' The Eussian Jews had of
late increased considerably in number among us — not-
withstanding the stringent laws of that empire for keep-
ing its population at home. Even for leaving the
country for brief periods, vexatious formalities and fees
had to be submitted to by all classes of Eussian subjects,
and sureties were required to answer for the reappear-
ance of the travellers in order to satisfy the requisitions
of taxes and military conscription, at the date written on
the passport; and besides all these conditions when
fulfilled, the license to travel abroad was discountenanced
rather than encom^aged.
All this was felt more keenly by Jews than by other
TRANSFER OF RUSSIAN JEWS. 113
classes of the Eussian population, for they entertained a
peculiar horror of the Eussian conscription, which
entailed violations of their laws for Sabbath and diet,
with compulsory attendance at church image-worship.
Still, when the wit and determination of a Jew have
only to grapple with the venaUty or obtuseness of Eus-
sian officials, obstacles often displace themselves. Jews
were smuggled over the frontier, and the numbers
repairing to Jerusalem for the inestimable privilege of
being buried there became alarming. At length the
Imperial Government resolved upon assuming fresh
vigour of action within its dominions, and to get rid of
the troublesome responsibility involved in looking after
people who never meant to return, and whose sureties
had no sufficient means for paying up the arrears of the
home-taxes ; this trouble was all the greater since there
was no Eussian Consul at Jerusalem.
It was, therefore, determined to set adrift all the
Eussian Jews then found in Palestine, furnishing them
with papers of dismissal, which also allowed them to
resort for protection to any European representatives
r
they might think proper to select, but recommending the
English Consulate. These papers were written in French
and Arabic, and delivered by the Eussian Vice- Consul in
Jaffa. This was in 1848, at a period of ' entente cordiale '
between England and Eussia, and when no cloud had
appeared in the sky intimating peril to Turkey.
Only those who have ever known the sentiments of
Jews within the Eussian dominions can adequately
imagine the joy of these emancipated people — ^they were
' As those that dream,' and they flocked in large numb^rg
VOL. I. I
114 ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN, SPECIAL FASTS,
]to the English Consulate for protection, though some, on
account of family connections or transactions of business,
took Austrian or other protection. A register of names,
dates, etc., of these proUgis was duly kept in the con-
sulate, the business of which was consequently much
augmented.
As one of the many tokens of gratitude, from the
people so benefited, will be found in the Appendix^ the
translation of an address in Hebrew to Her Majesty the
Queen, received in Jerusalem in July, 1849. It was a
beautiful specimen of penmanship on parchment. The
translation, although exact, affords but a feeble idea of
the gracefulness of the composition with its Oriental
peculiarities.
Early in February, 1853, both the Sephardi and the
Ashkenaz Jews observed a special fast, though for
different reasons. The Sephardim had received a letter
from Salonica stating that a Jew had been murdered by
some Christians there, that the Jews had killed those
Christians, and that this had been the signal for a general
attack upon the Jews. This was the story, and the
Chief Babbi regarded it as sufficient cause for proclama-
tion of a public general fast.
The Ashkenazim had been alarmed by news of a
decree of the Emperor of Eussia (Nicholas), forbidding
the Jews in his dominions to observe their Sabbath or to
practise the rite of Circumcision; also, prohibiting the
Jewish slaughter of animals for food, excepting under
payment of a very heavy tax. This was the report from
» See p. 180,
ARRIVAL OF SIR MOSES MONTEFIORE. 115
Eussia. We had no means of testing its accuracy, but
the proclamation of the fast showed what the Jews
thought.
A very important event had occurred some time before
in the visit of Sir Moses Montefiore to Jerusalem. He
arrived in the heat of the summer. The Hebrew popula-
tion was stirred to its utmost depth by the tidings of his
approach — approach involving the certainty of a liberal
almsgiving, as well as indirectly more permanent benefits.
A deputation of Kabbis, in holiday apparel, with the
Chief Eabbi, rode out to receive their illustrious country-
man at some distance the day before his entrance into the
Holy City.
At an early hour on that day the roads and fields
were thronged with an unwonted Jewish population, for
these were seldom to be met outside the city walls, except
in small companies, and that but occasionally, in the
opposite direction, going to Eachel's Sepulchre or to
Hebron. It was a wonderful spectacle, never before wit-
nessed. Sir Moses and his lady were attended by the late
Colonel Gawler, riding in brilliant scarlet uniform, white
plumes, his Waterloo and several other medals, etc. Near
the city gate the multitude, of all denominations of people,
was immense, and the principal personages of the proces-
sion went at once to the Synagogue, while the tents were
pitched on the MeidS-n outside the north-west comer of
the wall.
Never before in modem times had there been a
Jewish demonstration publicly made, for in former days of
oppression and sorrow it would have been as impohtic as
impossible,
I 2
116 DISTRIBUTION OF ALMS,
Sir Moses visited the Paahk, introduced by me as his
Consul, and then went to the roof of the barracks to
overlook the enclosed site of the ancient Temple — ' the
courts of the Lord's house.'
Three days later occurred the great Jewish fast of
* the ninth of Ab,' when all stay at home, seated on the
ground, with feet bare, fasting rigidly, in commemoration
of the two destructions of Jerusalem and the Temple,
first by Nebuchadnezzar, and next by Titus.
After a visit to Hebron, Sir Moses and his party left
us by way of Jafia. This was his second visit to the
Holy Land, and he left behind some very substantial
remembrances in the form of money distribution, both on
his own part and from the European collections. It was
commonly reported that every Jewish man, woman, and
child, indiscriminately, received a silver dollar; and
there was an imagination abroad that this unusual mode
of ahnsgiviDg was adopted in order to obtain a correct
census of the Jewish population, without fljring in the
face of Eabbinical prejudice, which forbids the numbering
of the people, in dread of incurring the calamities which
were caused by King David having done it.
Of more enduring value than the money distribution
was the impression left upon the public mind that the
Jews, hitherto so despised, had, in England at least, one
wealthy and honoiured representative, through whom the
griefs of his brethren in Palestine might make themselves
heard in Europe.
Before concluding this sketch of Jewish affairs, we
may take notice of two curious peculiarities of Jerusalem
— ^both founded on the idea of the place being still their
JEWISH COINAGE. ANOINTING OP THE CITY KEYS. 117
own — an idea which, although but a shadow at present
in relation to other people, is not without weight among
themselves.^ The customs are, of course, limited to the
' Sephardim,' or Israelites of the country.
One is the coining of money, or rather of an equiva-
lent to that special prerogative of royalty (Matth. xxii.
19). The articles are small squares of brass-foil, stamped
with the Hebrew words D^^in iipsi i-^- ' Visiting the Sick.'
The practice seems to have originated in adopting a
fictitious currency, on temporary occasions, as a means
of almsgiving, in anticipation of real money coming to
hand. In the Jewish bazaar these pieces are current for
all purposes of trade, and are sometimes accepted and
passed among other inhabitants of the city as parks,
though inferior in value to even that smaQ coin. The
Tmrks disapprove of the practice, and now and then
take the trouble to prohibit it. The Jews, however, are
proud of their show of independent royalty, and even if
willing to discontinue it, would find it difficult to call in
these tokens, so long as their heavy debt remains, for
they do actually represent a certain amount of metalHc
value.
The other custom is that of getting possession of the
great keys of the city gates on the decease of each Sultan
of Constantinople, and after a religious service of prayer,
and anointing them with a mysterious preparation of oil
and spices, allowii^ them to be retiuned to the civic
^ Since my leaving the country^ the Jews commenced the publication of
a Jerusalem newspaper in Hebrew (of which, by the way, there are seyeral
in other countries) called, I believe, *i^atDn * the Guide,' but which was
fioon suppressed by the Turkish rulers, on theb being told that the Jews
speak of that city and land as their own.
118 CURIOUS CEREMONIAL.
authorities on behalf of the new monarch. For the
exercise of this traditional custom they make heavy
presents to the local governors, who allow of a harmless
practice that has prescription to show on its behalf. It is
a matter of ' bakhsheesh ' to them, and there is always a
class of superstitious people to be found in Palestine who
think that the benediction of the ancient * children of
Israel' is worth having; the Jewish feelings are gratified,
for their expectation of thcf future is refreshed, and the
Jerusalem Eabbis are enabled to boast all the world over
among their people that they sufler the Sultan of Turkey
to keep possession of the Holy City.
The Moslems imagine the ceremonial to be the bene-
diction of the incoming reign, but for my part I should
like to know what words are used in this consecration of
the keys with the ' anointing oil,' and how many of these
words have cabalistic or * Rashi Tevoth ' interpretations
and double meanings, for it would be vain to expect to
find the formula in any printed books. I am told that in
the Sephardi Synagogue are preserved small phials of the
' anointing oil,' remaining from over these ceremonials of
many past Sultans ; but at the time we are now consider-
ing (1853), the Jews had not for some years performed
the ceremony, having had no opportunity of doing so.^
Notwithstanding these glimpses of honorary distinction
the Jews are humiliated by the payment, through the
Chief Eabbi, of pensions to Moslem local exactors, for
instance the sum of 300Z. a year to the Effendi whose
house adjoins the 'wailing place,' or fragment of the
«
^ The ceremony was duly observed in 1861, on the accession of 'Abdu'l
'Azis to the throne^
DUES PAH) TO MOSLEMS. 119
western wall of the Temple enclosure, for permission to
pray there ; 100/. a year to the villagers of Siloam for
not disturbing the graves on the slope of the Mount of
Olives ; 50Z. a year to the Ta'amra Arabs for not injuring
the Sepulchre of Eachel near Bethlehem, and about 10/.
a year to Shaikh Abu Gosh for not molesting their people
on the high road to Jaffa, although he was highly paid by
the Turkish Government as Warden of that road. All
these are mere exactions made upon their excessive
timidity, which it is disgraceful to the Turkish Govern-
ment to allow to be practised. The figures are copied
from their humble appeals occasionally made to the
synagogues in Europe. Other minor impositions were
laid upon them which they were afraid to discontinue to
pay, such as, to one man (Moslem) for superintending
the slaughtering of cattle by themselves for food, to see
that it is performed by the Sephardi Eabbi who has pur-
chased his hcence to do it. Periodical presents likewise
of sugar, etc., to the principal Moslems at their festivals.
One more observation upon the condition of the
Jews in Jerusalem. At that time, and for many cen-
turies previous, the common shambles of the city (called
the Meslakh) was kept in the midst of their quarter. The
offal accumulated in a deep and wide pit, was never
cleared out, and of course at all seasons, particularly in
summer heat, was most prejudicial to health, and so it
remained for a few years after the Eussian war was over.
It was there before the conquest by the Arabs, for, ac-
cording to tradition of all classes of people, it was pur-
posely left there after its existence being reported to Cahph
Omar; and it is mentioned as being there later by a
120 BELIEF OP DISTRESS BY EMPLOYMENT.
Norman writer in the time of the Crusades (see Williams*
' Holy aty ').
Let me record an effort made for relief of Jewish
extreme poverty by means of agricultmral employment.
At all times distress and suffering are greatly felt within
the Jewish quarter ; it was particularly the case in 1852.
Under such circumstances the commonest impulse of
humanity would have led us to try some means for suc-
couring a people so lamentably devoid of resources among
themselves ; and as it seemed advisable . to do more than
supply daUy bread to mendicants, even if that were pos-
sible, the best idea that suggested itself was that of pro-
viding employment, however light, in field work, both as
a means of earning daily, food for the family, and also for
the advantage of health, in preparation for future useful-
ness ; above all for promoting a character of indepen-
dence among the sufferers. At first the experiment was
tried of employing some fifty men in very simple work
on my own ground, called the TaUblyeh, one mile distant
firom the city gate. Others were also sent to work in the
valley of Urtfis, beyond Bethlehem,^ to Mr. Meshullam,
who engaged four. The numbers who came to us for
work increased, and at length, as will be shown after-
wards, a plot of ground was bought by us for the purpose
of such employment, and called * the Industrial Planta-
tion ; ' but the Eabbis discountenanced the work, as they
did later the industrial and educational schemes of Mon-
tefiore, Kothschild, or the * Hebrew Alliance.' However,
from that time forward the idea slowly gained ground
^ Considerable numbers of Jews were afterwards employed by us in
Urtas.
SYSTEM Ot' SfilLlCHtTTH. 121
both among Christians and Jews, that the condition of
the Israelites in Jerusalem could be most effectually im-
proved by means of Industrial Institutions.
Besides the regular advantages (which were enjoyed
by British subjects and proUgis\ the Jews generally were
glad to have a Consulate to which they could apply for
formal attestations- and seals of documents, and of peti-
tions which they despatched over the world.
Any other Consuls, if applied to, would also make
these attestations, etc., for them ; but in matters concern-
ing charity they were obtained from us gratis.
Not that I approved of the system called * ShilicMih^
but that notwithstanding all its abuses, there seemed to be
at that time no other means for alleviating the aboimd-
ing misery among the Jews.
This system of * SchilichMi ' deserves to be explained.
A ' Shiliach ' is a messenger. The committee in Jeru-
salem for collection of charity, namely, the Chief Eabbi
(' First in Zipn '), and his Council, partition the world
into districts over which they send ' Shilichim ' to collect
funds on their behalf by visitation, by Synagogue preach-
ing, by sale of objects having religious value, or by any
other means that may suggest themselves to the intel-
ligence of these messengers. They are fiirnished witii
magnificent documents in beautiful handwriting in the
Holy Language, and of fine oriental composition, to which
are appended numerous large seals giving to such docu-
ments due authority.
A Deed of Agreement is likewise drawn up between
the bearer (the ShiUach\ and the committee of congre-
gational officers by whom he is sent, allowing him, besides
i22 THE SHILIACH.
travelling expenses, a large percentage upon all that he
can collect. That percentage varies according to the
countries to which he is commissioned, generally in pro-
portion to the expected diflSculties or dangers that he may
have to encounter, or the distance to be traversed. Thus
the allowance for a journey to India or Barbary would
mount higher than that for repairing to France or
Germany, and if the business be methodically managed,
the bearer has to bring back with him a book in which
each Synagogue that contributes has specified its own
amount of contribution in detail, and has attested that
statement by its own official seal. In some instances the
Shiliach will be absent for two or three years, and some-
times, fresh fields are visited, as, for instance, California,
or Australia, with New Zealand,
The deputed messenger is usually, or was formerly,
entertained wherever he goes, with honours considered
only due to one who has breathed the air of the Holy
Land, who has prayed at the remnant of .the Western
wall of the Temple enclosure, or has been in Hebron,
in the same city with the Sepulchres of Abraham, Isaac,
Jacob, Sarah, Leah, and Rebekah. His benediction is
eagerly sought for and is repaid by hospitality and high
place in the Synagogue. These honours have, however,
been much diminished since the facilities for travelling,
afforded by steamboats and railways, have altered the
condition of things, and have done away with not only
the actual hardships to be endured by the way, but also
have tended to diminish the marvels and the wonders
which in former days gathered round the facts which the
Shilickivi had to report.
AWACaMENT OP tews TO THE HOLY LAND. 12^
The intense attachment of a believing Israelite to
the Holy Land can be but faintly appreciated by others.
In proportion to the bitterness of soul and to the suffer-
ings attendant on the exile, so is the affection, the yearning
of heart towards the beautiful Land of Promise where
sleep the fathers of the people. ' I long to return there
as a child to its mother,' are literally the words used by
a Jew who had visited Jerusalem. The miracles which
attended the deliverance from Egypt, the giving of the
law, the forty years in the desert, the entrance into and
possession of the Land ; the splendour of David's king-
dom, and the culminating glory of the Divine Presence in
the Holy House : all these are for ever present to the
mind of a pious Israelite, kept fresh and vivid by the con-
stant recital of their Liturgies, by the never-ceasing study
of the sacred writings, the law, the prophets, the psalms.
What wonder that in far distant lands the living messen-
gers from the ruins of the Holy City and Temple should
be looked upon with veneration, that willing hearts are
moved to give Uberally for the support of brethren who,
for love of Gtod and their nation, have been ready to go
and suffer among * the heathen,' in order that they may
offer supplications where alone they believe they can be
completely effectual — at the Sanctuary itself — ^for the
termination of the long tribulation, for the fulfilment of
all the glorious promises of restoration that have during
centuries past nerved the people of Israel to endure, and
to look forward through present agonies — imdespairing,
uncrushed— -to the coming glory, the final bliss that are to
outshine all the past by a splendour scarcely to be con-
ceived 1
124 CHALtKA. DISTRIBUTION OF ALMS.
Who are the persons benefited by the fiinds raised
as thus described, and brought to Jerusalem by the
Shilichim ? The money is contributed chiefly with the
idea of supporting perpetually a pious and learned popu-
lation in the Holy cities, and the donors believe that, inas-
much as aU these are poor, the proceeds are divided
impartially among all ; that the numbers being counted,
the distribution is made accordingly to every head of a
family. But as has been shown above, interest on loans
has first to be paid to the pubUc creditors (not Jews).
Then come next the official administrators for the large
share allotted to them. These dues are known by the
name of Kadeemah. Next come those persons who, for
some reason or other previously existing, have a right of
priority as to a settled pension or annuity (these last have
mostly deposited monies in the fiind and draw the
interest). After all these deductions the residue forms
the fund for division, which is then under its Hebrew
name of ChalUka (apportioning) distributed among heads
of houses, including those who have already received a
share under the preceding classes.
And so it comes to pass that there are some rich
men who receive their ChaWka^ unshamed by others and
unblushing for themselves. At the period to which the
history refers there were but very few rich men among
the thousands of Jerusalem Jews : but it was felt by en-
lightened Jews from Europe to be a scandal that men of
comparative wealth, and even one or two successful traders,
should be receiving any share of the alms needed for the
reUef of the poor, at a time when there was so great an
amount of distress that both Jews and Christians were
ABUSES OF THE SYSTEM. 125
seeking aid from Europe for the succour of the starving
multitude.
This method of procuring ahns for the support of the
Jews in Jerusalem is liable to abuses, and some of these
have been partly exposed in such books as Dr. Frankel's
^ Nach Jerusalem,' and the London ' Jewish Chronicle ; '
but not to the extent of dealing with all the evils that
have come under my observation. Sometimes the Shi-
liach Licence was sold by the bearer to another man for
profit, without the former having left Jerusalem at all.
Sometimes the Colel {i.e. the Corporation for management
of the common fund) granted licences, with attestations
that the bearer was well known for learning and sanctity
of life, to persons of immoral character. Occasionally,
members of the Colel (which is always a close corpora-
tion of a few Eabbis, sometimes related by marriage)
themselves become Shilichim, bearing attestations of piety,
etc., etc. Sometimes the messengers, on their return from
abroad, rendered but smaU proceeds of money, refusing
to give any account to the congregation, on the ground
that their sacred office of Eabbi placed them above sus-
picion.^
It is grievous to go back in memory, and to review
transactions such as these ; but th^ very foundation on
which the system rests is pernicious, and other and better
measures for obtaining revenue should be substituted.
The system of collecting alms for the Holy Land is very
ancient — we read of it in Eoman history, and I am told
it is referred to in the Talmud. Nay, even the primitive
^ An instance of this nature concerning Hebron connected with fraud,
cruel and extensive; came before the Consulate in 1862.
126 THE CUSTOM ANCIENT. OTHEB MODES.
Christians, in times of temporary pressure, sent contri-
butions to the poor saints which were in Jerusalem, and
St. Paul himself was once a bearer of such benevolence.
The custom is derived from good instincts of religious
conscience ; but the practical benefit of it, even where pro-
perly applied, must depend upon righteous administration
to those in need.
The present system involves, as has been explained,
the doubtful advantage of the employment of the ' She-
lichim ' (messengers). Of late this agency is prohibited
in Kussia, and a Shiliach practising there becomes amen-
able by law to imprisonment or other penalties — the
object of the law being to retain the property of the
Empire within its own bounds — ^and other nations have
formerly objected to wealth being drained away from
themselves for the benefit of foreigners, who produce
nothing in return, not even in the way of trade.
For my own part, without attempting to check the
stream of charity, I took every opportunity that was
convenient of recommending that contributions for the
Holy Land should be transmitted by means of the usual
professional bankers. This, if generally done, would
obviate any waste of the funds between giver and re-
ceiver, as well as dishonesty.
Of late years the Austrian synagogues send their
remittances, together with a pubUc notification of the
amount, to their Consulate in Jerusalem. The Consul
receives a commission on the same for his trouble ; but
even this method of transmission has disadvantages.
Besides the Jewish British subjects and protigis
already described, there were some of both these classes
JEWISH TiMiDrry. 127
in Hebron and in the other Holy cities ; there were also
in Hebron a few Tuscans and Dutch subjects, who had
by permission of their own Consular authorities in Beyroot
placed themselves under British protection.
Thus the British Consulate was always kept busy in
transacting the business brought before it by the Jews ;
not only by the Jews in Jerusalem, but by those from
Safed, Tiberias, Caifa, Nabloos, and Hebron.
It was distressing to behold the timidity which long
ages of oppression had engendered. Many times a poor
Jew would come for redress against a native, and when
he had substantiated his case, and it had been brought
by the Consulate before the Turkish authorities, he would,
in mere terror of futiure possible vengeance, withdraw
from the prosecution, and even deny that any harm had
been done him ; or if that was too manifest, declare that
he could not identify the criminal, or that the witnesses
could not be produced. Still, even then, the bare fact
that some notice had been taken had a deterrent effect
upon criminals who had hitherto regarded the defenceless
Jews as their special prey.
It was no small satisfaction to me that not only Hebrew,
but the extraordinary medley of languages called Judisch^
both oral. and written, was intelligible to my own family
without an interpreter. This was a great boon to the
people ; for, with their characteristic timidity, they are
unwilling to trust their affairs to the intervention of a
dragoman. This was an advantage to be found in no
other Consulate.
With regard to pure Hebrew, the learned world in
Europe is greatly" mistaken in designating this a dead
128 HEBREW A LlVma LANGUAGE.
language. In Jerusalem it is a living tongue of every-
day utility — ^necessarily so, for in what else could Jewish
strangers from the opposite ends of the earth converse
together? In our Consular office Hebrew was often
heard spoken — on one occasion by a Jew from Cabool,
who had to enter into explanations with one from
California : of course in Hebrew. That language was a
medium of transacting business in the English Consulate.^
^ The author does not mention his own proficiency in the Holj Tongue.
It was well known to the Jews of Palestine that he could understand any
communications addressed to him in that language, and they thankfiiUy
availed themselves of this circumstance. Br. L. Frankel of Vienna, when
describing his visit to Jerusalem, says of Mr. Finn, that an incident, while
he was staying with a Mend, led ^ to his acquaintance with this in many
respects interesting man. He speaks and writes Hebrew admirably.'
(Fr&nkel's ' Nach Jerusalem,' Leipzig, 1858.)
'The Orphan Colony of Jews in China' contains copies of Hebrew
questions drawn up in Hebrew by Mr. Finn himself, in 1844 — for transmission
to the Jews in China — ^and they sufficiently show his masteiy of the language
long before he went to live in Jerusalem. (* Orphan Colony of Jews in
China,' p. 16, 121, 124, Nisbet^s.) During his residence as Consul in the Holy
City he devoted much of the time which early rising and unremitting dili-
gence enabled him to secure to careful study of Hebrew and Hebrew
literature.
The Sunday services in Christ Church have been mentioned ; my husband
attended them regularly, and he also, when in town, usually attended the
daily Hebrew service at seven in the morning. To him Hebrew was a
living language — spoken, written, and read, as one of the tongues necessary
for transaction of his Consular business.
Letters and documents of all kinds were constantly addressed to the
British Consul not only in classical Hebrew, written in the square characters^
but in the Judeo-Polish and Sephardi dialects, and in the respective cursive
characters of each ; for all the Jews knew that he had taken pains to learn
to read and write them, and that he was in the habit of himself reading all
documents and correspondence. This he did with Arabic and Turkish papers
as weU as others. They might be, and usually were, read and translated by
the official dragoman at first ; but after office hours, if not before, they wei«
carefully gone through and examined by the Consul himself; for he was ever
alive to the duty of taking all the responsibility on himself of everything
which he entrusted to his subordinates, and also to the necessity of allowing
no one, however trustworthy, to come between himself and those whose
THE JEWS OF HEBRON AND SAFED. 129
The Hebron Jews were more exposed than even
those in Jerusalem to rough usage from the natives, and
they had suffered greatly from the tyrannies of the brutal
'Abderrahhmfi.n el 'Amer.
Those living in Safed, in Galilee, however, were of a
different stamp, and much better able to hold their own.
There was, on one occasion, an affair in that town of
some rioters breaking for plunder into the houses of some
Jews who were British prot^g^, and we had caused five
of the offenders to be imprisoned. They were soon, how-
ever, allowed by the Governor to be at liberty again, and
my prot^g^s went down at once to demand justice from
the Pashk in Acre, at the same time writing to acquaint
me with the circumstances. This was not the only occa-
sion in which I had to observe the manly spirit of the
Jews in that mountain town, compared with all others of
their nation throughout Palestine. Yet, whenever their
independence was shown in an unjust cause, as sometimes
happened, their behaviour had to be treated accordingly.
The Galileans of Josephus's wars were a hardy and a
stubborn people.
Finally, I feel compelled to say that, notwithstanding
their many errors and failings, evident enough to those
who have most intercourse with the Jews in Palestine,
those faults are mostly limited to the sphere of their own
interests it was \ns duty to guard. All this entailed immense labour, but
without it the efficiency of the Consulate could not have been maintained.
Many an important bit of information reached the British Consul wliich
would never have been transmitted througli a third person, because he was
able to receive it direct from people speaking other languages than English,
—Ed.
VOL. I, K
130 GOOD MORAL CHARACTER OF THE JEWS.
affairs. They aim at little beyond that boundary, are
timid mider oppression, and the outward conduct remains
conformable to that state of mind long after the actual
necessity exists.
After that stage again being passed, the native high
pride sometimes carries them into extremes on the other
side. I have known Jews who were insolent and un-
gratefiil, just as I have found some other people to
be ; but I have experienced many acts of kindness from
Jews in the Holy Land. Among other affecting tokens of
gratitude, individuals have on several occasions resorted
to the ' Western Wall ' of the Temple to pray for my
children, and also for myself, in times of sorrow and
sickness.
I have never had reason tq modify an old remark of
mine, that, from the effect of their domestic morality and
family affections, these were the people in Jerusalem who
could best afford to look an Englishman straight in the
face.
Such are my remarks concerning the Jews of Pales-
tine at the time of the Kussian War being declared,
together with their relations to the Turkish authorities
and to the European Consulates.
Translated Eoctract from an Addhreas of Russiam, Jews in
Safed on thei/r commg under English protectionj 1849.
(After compUments to the Consul in Jerusalem)
We acknowledge to the Lord and praise Him that He has
put it into the heart of the Glory of the Pity of the mighty
Crowned Queen, the pious, the precious, the upright, who reigns
over the provinces of England and its dependencies, to do good
HEBKEW ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN. 131
to the people of Israel and to succour them with every kind of
aid, for great and small, and to defend them from those who rise
up against them
With a perfect heart
Of mercy and loving kindhess ;
And with the tips of the wings of Mercy
And the grace of her Righteousness
She has extended and caused to shine upon us,
Who dwell in our own land.
The holy (be it established in our days).
Us, who are burdened with troubles —
Sinking into distress,
Poverty and calamity.
But loving the land of our Fathers,
The place of our honour.
We here are those
Who are the sons of the provinces of Russia,
And this is the day we have looked for :
We have found it, we have seen it —
For she has bent down her pity to receive us
Under the shade of her wings of compassion.
And to comfort us with shade of her mighty rule,
For a name, for a praise, and for glory I
Yea, our souls within us are bound
To implore Him, who is fearful in mighty acts.
With praises and prayers.
That He may prolong her days
In rest and satisfaction ;
That the Lord may hedge her in.
And all that are hers :
The princes around her.
With her nobles.
And all those comforted in her shadow.
May they rise on wings of elevation, of prosperity.
In fulness of joy ;
And may her kingdom be established
lake the Moon, for ever and ever,
132 HEBREW ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN.
Until the coming of Messiah !
Mav the Lord bless their lives and their substance.
And increase their honour,
And crown their praise I
Amen, so be Thy will I
133
CHAPTER VL
PROTESTANTS IN PALESTINE.
The Protestants in Jerusalem — Natives — Arabs — Europeans — Hebrew-
Ohristians — English — Germans — American Missionaries — Jewish Misidon
resolve on building a Ohurch — ^British authorities co-operate — Egyptian
Government favourable — Ottoman Government refuses — ^English Bishop-
ric established in 1841 — Action of the King of Prussia — Consecration of
Bishop Alexander — ^Firm4n authorising the building of the Ohurch as
Consular Chapel, granted in 1841 — Consecration of church, 1849 — Eng-
lish Mission — Origin of Native Protestantism — Early Missionaries, Eng-
lish and American — Second English Bishop — ^Firm&n of toleration for
Protestants, 1850 — ^Nazareth disturbances, 1862 — Translation of the
Sultan's Firmans — and of the Yizierial letter.
At the period of which we are treating there were in
Jerusalem, and elsewhere in Palestine, not only Christian
communities of the Oriental Churches and of the Western,
or Latin, but also a considerable number of Protestants,
both native and European. The natives were Arabs who
had left the Greek, Armenian, or Latin Churches ; the
Europeans included Hebrew Christians and English
members of the Church of England. The Germans
formed a separate congregation. There were, moreover,
a few Americans by themselves. It may be interesting if
we give an account of the rise of Protestantism there in
general.
The capitulations made in olden time between the
European powers and the Ottoman Porte do not allude to
forms of religious belief or worship, but are confined to
articles concerning secular business, chiefly commercial..
134 PROTESTANTS. THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
The Turks were familiar with the idea of Christianity as a
whole, but the word Protestant is of new importation
among them.
During the Egyptian rule in Syria, Protestantism
was represented in Jerusalem by American Presbyterian
missionaries and by an agent — sometimes two — of the
English Episcopal Mission to the Jews, each party cele-
brating Divine worship in its own house, or occasionally
together when they met for the purpose.
Soon, however, the Jewish mission resolved on erect-
ing a church for itself in Jerusalem, and its managers
in London petitioned our Government for official aid in
carrying out tliat object, there being at the time a likeli-
hood of succeeding with the new and liberal Egyptian
Government in Syria.
This was contemporaneous with the institution of the
English (which was the earliest) Consulate in Jerusalem.
The Consul, on his arrival, and the Consul-General in
Egypt, recommended the design. Lord Palmerston also,
in the Foreign Office, directed the latter to make applica-
tion to Mohammed 'Ali in its favour ; but that ruler,
while expressing his personal willingness to grant it^
explained that, as it was a matter bearing upon funda-
mental laws of the Ottoman Empire, he could only advise
that an appeal be made to the supreme government of
the Sultan. He had previously, however, allowed the
site of ground to be purchased, and held in the name of
the missionary Nicolayson, and the preparations to be
begun.
The Ambassador, Lord Ponsonby, accordingly applied
to the Porte, but there the concession was refused on the
DIFFICULTIES IN BUILDING A GHUBOH. 135
ground that Mohammedan law (as it was vaguely ex-
pressed, but meaning the capitulation granted to the
Christians of Jerusalem by the Caliph 'Omar on his con-
quest of the country), forbids the erection of new Christian
churches. It is true that by the terms of that document
— the first ever made of that nature between the parties,
and which formed the model for all such treaties else-
where— one of the articles expressly precludes the
building of new churches and the use of church-bells
by the Christians, but the latter item had never been
obeyed in the Lebanon, and several new churches had
been connived at in various parts of the empire, and
notably in Alexandria, where Mohammed 'Ali had not
only permitted an English church to be built, but had
himself made a donation of the ground for its site.
There can be no doubt of the employment of intrigue
and money among the Turkish Div&n on the part of the
Latin and Greek communities for impeding the introduc-
tion of Protestantism, and thus for a time the business
was postponed, or, as it was hoped, extinguished ; but the
refusal was felt in England to be peculiarly imgracious,
as the Porte had just at that very time (1839) every-
thing to hope from us for the regaining possession of
Syria, which, indeed, they did receive from us the next
year, and which the French (i.e. Latin interests) were
eager to prevent their obtaining. Moreover, it is only
fair to keep in mind that neither Turks, on one side, nor
Protestants, or English, on the other, had been parties to
the Jerusalem capitulations with 'Omar.
In 1841 a remarkable step forwards was mads by
136 THE ANGLICAN BISHOPRIC.
the establishment of an English bishopric^ in the Holy
City, with jurisdiction over clergy in large geographical
regions around. The TTing of Prussia, desirous of having
Protestantism, as such, represented there, yielded pre-
cedence to England, for the reason that she had already
her missionary institutions on the spot, and gave most
generously from his private purse (not from national
funds) one-half of the perpetual endowment of that
EngUsh bishopric, reserving only an alternate nomination
to the office, yet leaving every presentation on either side
subject to the veto of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The king sent a special Envoy (Chevalier Bimsen) to
negotiate the matter in London, and the scheme was
favourably received there, as the time seemed to have
arrived for an exercise, by ecclesiastical rulers, of some
control over episcopaUy ordained missionaries in those
Eastern lands. It was desirable likewise to provide for
the ordination of fresh agents as emergencies might arise,
and for use of the rite of confirmation among English
families growing up in the Levant. It was believed to
be desirable, moreover, to exhibit to the Orientals our
reformed doctrine in connection with episcopal tradition
and liturgical worship.
The movement was clearly one made in the spirit of
Protestantism, since it originated with the Prussian king ;
and the Queen of England, who gave the licence, as well
as the English episcopacy, through which the spiritual
part of the transaction was effected, are both necessarily
Protestant. The project would not have originated with
^ The King of Prussia gave half the endowment for a bond fde English
bishopric — not as some haye erroneously supposed for a bishopric partly
German in some way.
THE EEV. DH. M^CAUL. BtSHOP ALEXANDER. 137
the party calling itself Anglo-Catholic, which indeed
offered to it the most strenuous opposition. It seems
reasonable that the Church of England should be repre-
sented by her bishop in the Holy City, where, as on
common ground, all the Eastern Churches have their
representatives — Latins, Greeks, Armenians, Syrians, and
Copts, all have their bishops in Jerusalem.
When the English Church had thus become settled in
Jerusalem, the American missionaries, pious and able
men, withdrew themselves to strengthen their other
operations around the Lebanon, where they have ever
since met with remarkable success, leaving the field of
Palestine to the episcopal Protestants. The primary
object in view being to uphold and extend the existing
episcopal English mission to the Jews, a clergyman was
selected by the King of Prussia who had devoted his life
to the Jewish subject. This was the Eeverend Dr.
M^'Caul, who, however, declined the ^honour in favour of
a Christian Israelite, whose Hebrew nationality gave, he
believed, a greater claim to hold the office of a bishop
in the Land of Israel. Bishop Alexander was, therefore,
consecrated for that diocese, November 7, 1841, and
carried with him to Jerusalem, from the Archbishop of
Canterbury, letters commendatory to the 'orthodox'
ecclesiastical authorities, announcing that he was sent ' to
exercise spiritual superintendence over the clergy and
laity of our Church who sojourn there, and in a^acent
countries : but that no one may be ignorant why we have
sent this bishop, our brother, we make known to you that
we have charged him in no wise and in no matter to
iavade the jurisdiction of you the bishops, or others,
l38 OPPOSITION TO THE BISHOPRIC.
bearing rule in the churches of the East.' To these in-
structions Dr. Alexander loyally adhered during his short
career. He was not ' Bishop of Jerusalem/ but English
bishop in Jerusalem.
The episcopate was thus founded on principles diame-
trically opposed to those of the Latin patriarchate soon
after, which are those of aggression, or rather on the
assumption that that office is of right the true patriarchate
of Jerusalem, and its holder a deputy of the successor of
St. Peter, the only vicar of Christ. The chief missionary
care of the English bishop was to be directed to the con-
version of the Jews, to their protection, and to their
useful employment.
It was curious to note the different opinions of the
period concerning this new bishopric — ^the rabid invec-
tives of certain parties in Europe, not only of some in
England, who imprecated Heaven that the scheme might
be confounded and come to nought; but likewise of
those in Prussia who, on their Evangelical or Lutheran
principles, and those in France who, on their Calvinistic
principles, expressed their hostility to episcopacy in
general, and to this episcopate in particular. It is also
amusing to look back to the silly exaggerations of Koman
Catholic journals, some of which were even repeated from
these in the House of Commons in 1843.^
The Oriental convents of coiurse took alarm at this
novelty. When some two years afterwards Bishop Alex-
^ If it be true that Austria lodged a formal protest at the Porte against
the erection of a Protestant bishopric in Jerusalem^ this would show that
the bombardmetit of Acre was not an enterprise taken bj the two Protestant
Powers in preparation for that bishopric, as some have said, seeing that
the Austrians joined in the actual bombardment, and the PruSfdans did not.
SPHERE OF ACTION. BISHOP GOBAT. 139
ander with his family pitched tents at a village called
Jifna, exclusively Greek-Christian, for recovery of health
in country air after a sickness contracted in the city, and
his medical attendant, the doctor of the Jewish mission,
wished to employ one of the peasants in wine-making,
the Greek authorities were thrown into a state of sheer
terror, lest now wholesale decoying of their flocks should
be commenced. The Pashk was bribed to put a stop to
such heretical proceedings, and no Protestants pitched
their tents there for many a long year after.
Notwithstanding the very proper injunction laid upon
the Enghsh bishop, to abstain from invading the jurisdic-
tion of the Greek ecclesiastics, a wide scope of activity
lay open for direct missionary work under his direction
among Jews, Mohammedans, Druzes, Falashas of Abys-
sinia, Chaldeans, and the more than semi-idolaters in
Northern Syria and the dwellers in Mesopotamia and in
Egypt. It might even be contended, on the principles
of the Constantinopolitan canons of a.d. 381, that his
missionaries are not precluded from action amongst
Eoman CathoUcs in the East, or the Monophysite
churches, as occasion and prudence may require, seeing
that these are already in a state either of schism or of
separation from the Orthodox Patriarchate.
Bishop Alexander was succeeded in 1846 by Dr.
Gobat, a Swiss — not of Je^vish origin.
The bishopric being thus instituted and occupied, the
intention of building the material church was resumed.
After about three years of suspense, the Jews' Society
in 1842 tested the actual position of affairs by commenc-
ing the work without asking aid of either Consulate or
140 firmAn for building consular chapel.
Embassy. The Fashk at once put a stop to the proceed-
ing, and for three years more no process was made,
except that in a spirit of faith in the future the quarrying
of stone was carried on in the villages of Bethlehem and
Anathoth ; the squaring also of these stones when brought
in was continued upon the ground itself. These as
materials were laid up in piles awaiting ' the good time
coming.'
At length, in September, 1845, a Firm&n was granted
on CSonstantinople for building the church, in considera-
tion that ' the English and the Prussian Protestants were
without a place of worship.' The church was, however,
to be built upon the premises of the British Consulate,
i.e. as a consular chapel. A Vizierial letter in due form
accompanied the Firmsln ; but 'AJi Pashk of Jerusalem, at
whose suggestion it does not appear, discovered that the
Firm&n could not be acted upon : —
1st. Because the building, the foundation of which
was already laid, was not upon premises of the Consulate,
but in a separate part of the town : in fact, the latter was
then a small hired house, and had no spare ground on
which to erect a church.
2nd. Because the Turkish word Inshay used in the
documents, does not signify proceeding with a bvildingy
but the making of a totally new edifice, which again
would be contrary to the capitulations of 'Omar.
These objections, however, were removed in Decem-
ber by a fresh Vizierial letter, duly forwarded by the
Musheer of Beyroot, who commanded the Pashk to offer
no further hindrance. The society also gave orders to
go on with a house for the Consulate alongside of the
CONSECRATION OF CHRIST CHURCH. 141
church, as had been before intended. The church, how-
ever, was completed first, and previous to its being
finished. Divine Service was conducted in a room within
the enclosure of the mission premises, as was also the
consular business in another room alongside.
Christ Church, the church erected under the circum-
stances thus described, was consecrated for public wor-
ship in January, 1849, as a Hebrew Christian Church,
held in trust by the London Jews' Society. The IsraeKtes
who have become believers in Christianity form the con-
gregation, together with the missionaries and their fami-
lies, the Consul, and any other English who may happen
to be in Jerusalem. The incumbent must always be a
clei^man of the Church of England, who is at the same
time chief missionary to the Jews. A German congrega-
tion has been gradually formed under the auspices of the
Bishop and the Prussian Consulate. This congregation
is permitted to hold its Protestant services in the same
church. The original arrangement for this became in
course of time altered, so as to admit of services being
held by other European Protestants, Dutch, Swedish, &c.,
to whom the church has been occasionally lent.
Various Prussian institutions of Hospital, Hospice,
Deaconesses, &c., have been estabhshed, and have become
of considerable importance in Jerusalem.
The society of Europeans in the Holy City consisted
of the Consular famihes, the religious missionaries (Roman
Catholic or Protestant), medical men of various nations,
and a few shopkeepers. We had also a very few English
who lived on their own means.
Of course there was no commercial activity in the place.
142 PECULIARITY OF LIFE IN JERUSALEM.
excepting merely for the supply of the wants of the inha-
bitants, and although immense sums are poured into Jeru-
salem annually from abroad, the city gave out nothing.
European goods were received, but no exports were made
in return, except soap to the Levantine ports. This ab-
sence of animation derivable from trade or manufacture was
in keeping with the solemn historical and religious office
which Jerusalem has had, and still has, to fulfil in this
world's concerns. To persons imbued with the gay habits
of other places, no doubt the time and pursuits there
must appear monastically duU. Not only have French
visitors been known to utter the ejaculation which ever
accompanies the shrug of the shoulders, at the contrast
between Jerusalem and Paris, or even Constantinople,
but some English people, though not many, have joined
in bewailing the dulness of Jerusalem. Yet pleasures
that would be tolerable elsewhere could not but be out
of place in Jerusalem. The balls, the theatrical amuse-
ments and fashionable dressing, to be found even in Bey-
root, were unsuited to the majestic realities of religion,
and to the feehngs inspired by Jerusalem. The religio
loci of Virgil is a phrase unequal to the associations of
Jerusalem history — to the awe with which they must ever
be remembered, to the sublime blessings there bestowed
■
on the world.
But the strongest expression of melancholy and
pining for European diversions was uttered by an Italian
gentleman who had long resided amongst us. 'Ah!'
said he, * the sadness of Jerusalem ! It is over this city
gate that ought to be inscribed the well-known lines of
Dante —
VARIOUS OPINIONS AND FEELINGS. 143
' Per me a yk nella oittA dolente,
Per me si y& nell' etemo dolore/
" not omitting the other line of the same stanza —
' Lasciate ogni speranza voi che entrate.'
It is true that the speaker was one who had but small
occupation for his time — was in ill health and immarried,
circumstances which might account for much of his de-
spondency. The mere routine of existence, or of attend-
ance on ecclesiastical functions, might suffice for inmates
of the cloisters of St. Salvatore, but not for a man of a
liberal profession as he was, who had seen the world.
Yet there were others in the Holy City whose family
circles supplied a fiill share of domestic satisfaction ; and
there were also men whose days were occupied in respon-
sible duties, and who possessed tastes for historical in-
vestigation. These were contented people, whose trials,
incident to human life, came on them from without.
There were persons who had learned to ascribe to the
venerable Jerusalem other lines from the same stanza of
the same poet, in a dignified and a pleasing sense —
Giustizia mosse 1 mio alto fattore :
La somma sapienza d 1 primo amore—
words perfectly applicable to that sacred city, with the
sequence of acts and prophecies there accomplished, and
not exclusive of a ftiturity more brilliant still in reserve.
The Creator of all has endowed some minds with the
faculty of dwelling with complacency upon pleasant
images of both past and future, in alleviation of the harsh
and carking cares that beset our life's career. Minds
such as these may delight in idyllic scenes of olden time
144 a ANTICIPATIONS FOR THE FUTUEE.
at some periods of Hebrew history, when every man sat
under his own vine and under his own fig tree, the ver-
dure of which was enlivened by the scarlet blossoms of
the pomegranate ; and in contemplating the times when,
secure from foreign invasion, each man repaired thrice
a year to the one Holy Temple, bringing with him the
rural offerings for himself and for his family. And then
they may anticipate a peaceful time to come, when rivers
shall break forth in dry places ; when the hills now so
bare shall be clothed with the verdure of fruit trees ;
when every village may be a collection of Christian
families, each with its parish church and school; and
when, as Jerome partly witnessed in the fifth century, and
described, Bethlehem shepherds and husbandmen may
do their work, singing Alleluias and the Psalms of David ;
— finally, when ' Violence shall no more be heard in the
land, wasting nor destruction within its borders;' and
' they shall not hurt nor destroy in all the Holy moun-
tain/
But these happy visions are matters of faith, not of
sight. The bliss and the moral sunshine are as yet but
future ; for now we look around, and have to see — ^that
state of things described in this work : a custody of Holy
Places by unbelievers, amid the unholy passions of jea-
lousy, malice, with mendacity and uncharitableness, to
the extent of actual bloodthirstiness ; and we have to
behold the barbarism of those who are the present tenants
of the Promised Land. How long ?
The two English Missionary Societies who had esta-
blishments in Jerusalem were — 1. The London Society
for Promoting Christianity among the Jews. 2. The
MISSIONARr SOCIETIES. 145
ChuTcli Missionary Society. The first, the Jews' Society,
employed some English agents, and some foreigners and
Jewish converts. They held the church and the land
upon which it was built, in trust, and they also had a
hospital for poor Jews, and a dispensary. The chief of
this mission was the Keverend J. Nicolayson, a Dane by
birth, but ordained in London, who had been in Palestine
since 1825.
The Church Missionary Society employed Germans
chiefly ; they had stations at Jerusalem, Nabloos, Naza-
reth, and Bethlehem. Besides the work carried on by
these societies, the Anglican bishop employed native
Scripture readers, and had elementary schools in Jeru*
salem and in various other places.
A sewing and knitting school for Jewesses was
founded in Jerusalem by an English lady. Miss Cooper,
who superintended it with the help of young English
assistants. Certain American and German sectaries, each
body but few in number, but classed under the elastic
name of Protestant, had occasionally been foimd in
Jerusalem and Jafia, but their importance had always
been too small to attract attention, and they had no sort
of connection with the EngUsh bishopric or church.
At the period to which this history refers, there were
several native English families resident in Jerusalem, who
were of course regular attendants at the English services
in Christ Church. The numerous British travellers were
also glad to avail themselves of the opportunity of attend-
ing Divine service here afforded them.
We may now come to the subject of Protestantism
among the native Arabic-speaking Christians of the country.
VOL. I, h
146 NATIVE PROTESTANTS,
The change that has taken place by means of the ingrafk
of Protestantism among Arab-Christians cannot be ade-
quately understood without looking back to the records
of early missionary explorers, such as Jowett, Wolff, and
Fisk of the year 1823, or the American reports home of
Whiting, Bird, and Gk)odell. The fright goading to acts
of desperation which the Latin convent eichibited, on the
approach of the first shadow of Protestantism, is narrated
as follows : — ^Fisk and a companion arrived in Jerusalem
with a box of Bibles in Arabic and other languages, for
sale, or other means of distribution. The local governor
arrested their proceedings, because, he said, ' the Latins
told him the books were neither Jewish, Mohammedan,
nor Christian/ The box and writing-desks were ran-
sacked, and then placed in a room which they sealed up.
Proclamation was made in the streets, forbidding persons
to buy or accept the volumes from these strangers, and
ordering that alf such purchases or presents were to be
returned. Then the missionaries were taken by police
through the streets to both Kadi and Governor, and made
to pass a night in the filthy guard-room, among soldiers
gambling. Next day, however, they were allowed to sell
or give the books, only not to Mohammedans ; an when
uiged to punish the intruders by imprisonment, the Go-
vernor found that he had no power to proceed so far with
the possessors of a travelling Firm&n.
The old Orthodox Church of the land remained more
drowsy than the Latins for a time. It had never been
their habit to obstruct the use of Holy Scripture among
the laity, probably on account of the results of printing-
presses not having yet made much inroad among them —
EARLY MISSIONAIIIES. 147
though it must be allowed that even now they offer no
direct impediment on that point. It was at a later period,
when seceders from them began to form themselves into
communities under a separate designation, that the Greek
ecclesiastics began to act, and resorted to persecution;
and this was chiefly done through the hands of Moslem
municipal authorities (set in motion by the Greeks or
by the Eussian authorities). The march of events has
brought about a more favourable condition of Protes-
tantism.
The early efforts of Smith and Whiting, who suc-
ceeded in settling in the country during the Egjrptian
rule, never died away — the seeds did not perish entirely.
The Bibles and treatises which they circulated remained
in possession of families at Jerusalem, Nabloos, Nazareth,
and other places ; and the Hatti-Shereef of 1841 had
proclaimed religious toleration, so far as a Ktate document
could enforce obedience upon an unwiUing majority of its
subjects. The charter only required honesty and uncor-
rupt hands on the part of its administrators to obtain suc-
cess. The conditions prescribed to those who were to be
benefited by it were shnply— for each community, new
or old — ^to register the names of its members by a govern-
ment oflScer, and to elect officers from themselves who
should be responsible to government for the taxes when
due.
Very soon after the arrival of the second English
bishop (consecrated in 1846), namely, in 1847, the sur-
vivors of the old frequenters of the American missionaries
gathered around him as they had around his predecessor,
and represented that, having got possession of our Prayer-
148 PBOIESTAimSM LBOALLT BEOOGNISED.
book in their own language, and so become acquainted
with its contents, they desired to place themselves under
his instruction. They described their condition as that
of having been long ago excommunicated fix>m their
original Qreeli and Latin churches (mostly the former),
they were now without public worship or the Christian
Sacraments, and their children were growing up in igno-
rance of spiritual things ; they pleaded the sacred rights of
human conscience (almost a novelty in the East), and the
toleration proclaimed by the government of their native
country — ^b^ging to be furnished with teachers of reli-
gion, especially in behalf of the young generation who
had never been subjects of Greek or Boman ecclesiastical
rulers.
After the Pirmftn of 1850, recognising the indepen-
dence of Protestantism in the empire, and prescribing its
relations to the Sultan's government, these people, in con-
formity with the same, formed themselves into a body in
each of their respective towns, at first under the denomi-
nation of * Anjellyeen,' or ' Gtospellers,' ^ the same as that
of the old English Wickliffites ; they elected their officers
duly, and had themselves registered in government books.
The bishop could not bid them return to obedience of
the Jerusalem patriarchate, and submit themselves to a
cleigy from whom their minds revolted, as being too
frequently ignorant, tyrannical, and sensual in habits of
life ; or tell them, in short, that they were not Christians
unless they did so return ; and then they had been already
^ Thifl title has neyer obtained usage among oatdders. The fitmiliar
name all over the country, and eyen among the people themselyes, is ' Bor-
distantiy' i.e, 'Protestant' — ^besides, that is the name desi^;nated in the
Finn4n,
CONGREGATIONS FORMED. 149
excommunicated and cast off. He, therefore, got schools
provided for them at the expense of the Church Mis-
sionary Society, or perhaps with some help from other
quarters. A house in each of the above towns was taken,
and a native schoolmaster paid in each, who also col-
lected the people together at stated times for reading the
Scriptures and portions of our Litui^y : this as a provi-
sional condition till a European could be found and
trained to be their pastor.
In this manner was embodied the Arab Protestantism
of Palestine. The people were anxious to escape from
the intolerable state in which they had been brought up,
and to enjoy the liberty accorded them by their civil
Sovereign.
I leave to others to discuss their doctrinal reasons for
secession.
The Turkish rulers cared nothing for the new turn of
events. Those of the modem school, the Tanzim&t, &c.,
were professors of liberaUty, and those of the old school
were indifferent to any interchange of sects among Chris-
tians. They held that * hepsi donuz ' (they are all pigs
alike), and there was no more to be said about it, or, ac-
cording to an Arabic proverb, * Eeehhet et Toom, reehhah
wahh'deh ' (the smell of all garlic is one).
When under influence of bribery from the convents,
the local authorities did take the trouble to put obstacles
in the way of Christian nonconformity, those obstacles
were made in the form of technicalities connected with
the taxes, and in this manner : —
According to ancient practice of administration, in
each town or rural district, every sect — ^Moslem, Jewish,
l50 Mot at nazareth.
Chiistian, etc. — had its chief, who kept a raster of its
families in duplicate with that of the government, and
was responsible for so much taxation, in proportion to
the number of heads of fitmUies on the list.
But for a long time until pressure could be brought
to bear from higher quarters, which of course involved
delay, the local collector would refuse to remove the
name of an obnoxious person or family from its old ac-
customed register to the fresh one of the Protestants,
alleging the confusion that must result in making up the
public accounts ; yet, in many instances, at the same time
also levying upon them on the new account.
This behaviour of the local officer was always in con-
formity with the motive-action of the convents, or others
who pulled the wires.
In March 1852 Nazareth was the scene of a Latin
riot at the instigation of the friars, without the direct
sanction of the petty Moslem governor. In that town the
Latin sect of Christians k the most numerous, and their
influence in questions of property and suchlike matters
is therefore considerable.
Fra Angelo was at that time their popular preacher,
and one Sunday in the Convent Church (the celebrated
Church of the Annunciation), he wrought himself up to
frenzy in the pulpit — he stamped and tore his hair, voci-
ferating that *The Protestants, the cursed Protestants,
had dared to come even here, even here ! in the city of
Jesus Christ himself and his holy Mother ! '
He concluded his sermon by an excommunication
of certain individuals from their body, and had their
names posted on the church-door. No wonder that
MEASUBES FOR OBTAININO KEDBESS. 15 1
on the second day afterwards a rabble assembled in the
streets, and proceeded to pull down the Protestant school
during the time of the children's lessons, and flinging the
masonry stones about they cut open the head of the
schoolmaster, a European agent of an English society,
while Era Angelo was a spectator of the doings from
round a street comer. InteUigence of the affair was sent
to me, with appeal for protection, and I determined on
repairing to the place myself to get what redress I could
from the Governor ; at least on account of the damage
done to the house, which was the property of the Church
Missionary Society (the minister and the schoolmaster
were respectively French and German subjects). I wrote
' off to the Pashk of Acre, in whose territory Nazareth lies,
requesting him to send to meet me at Nazareth, and to
have inquiries instituted as to the riotous proceedings. I
also acquainted our bishop with my plan of action.
In two days I was at Nazareth, but owing to my
having slept at Nabloos on the way, the secretary of the
Latin Patriarch (the latter had heard of my movements)
arrived first on the scene. At entrance of the town
I was hooted at by children of the Latins clapping their
hands, and screaming out the epithet ' Bordistanti ' (Pro-
testant) ; some stones were likewise thrown innocuously
from a distance.
Next day being Sunday, I notified to the MuteseUim,
or Governor, that I was going to Divine worship at the
Protestant Chapel (used as the school on week-days),
and got his promise that no molestation should occur ; in
fact all went off peaceably. The congregation that day
consisted of about twenty natives (their wives not attend-
152 EPFECr PBOBUCED.
ing, because the place was not a consecrated church : such
is the inveterate Oriental feeling, and which cannot but
be respected). The English liturgy was read in Arabic,
and the ^ proper lessons ' by one of the congregation, son
of a Greek priest.
The street was still encumbered with stones of the
house wall as left by the rioters. In the afternoon ar-
rived three horsemen from Acre, bringing a letter from
the Fashk to the MuteseUim, which ordained that the
Protestant worship was not to be hindered or insulted.
Next day, after formal visits from, and then returned
to, the Mutesellim, I took down the depositions of wit-
nesses, and the morning after dispatched my CanceUiere
with them to Acre to have the case judged while I should
return home, leaving the Uttle Protestant community
much reUeved in mind ; the great point had been gained
of impressing upon the mind of the Moslem govemcS*
that violence was not to be allowed, and upon that of
the people that enquiry would surely follow upon any
outrage.
In Nabloos on the return I had some business with
the Samaritans, who are also a persecuted people, and
attended morning and evening prayers in the Protestant
school-room.
At Jerusalem I at once visited the Latin patriarch,
and related the occurrences. Of course, his Grace depre-
cated the resort to public tumult and personal injury,
but was of opinion, which could not be contravened, that
every human association has a right to expel members
who infringe its known regulations : and on my reply-
ing that the posting of excommunicated names upon the
lATIN PATBIAROH'S OPINION. PROGRESS. 153
church-door was a needless measure after the fact of ex-
trusion was accomplished, he explained, what was quite
true, that that church-door was situated within a court
yard to which the general public of the town did not
resort, and therefore the scandal had not been very great.
The matter of the riot lay with the Pashk of Acre to deal
with.
In conclusion of this episode, it should be added that
no other consul took up the business, and that it required
a second ride to Nazareth, and thence to Acre, to get as
much redress as could be expected, and which really was
effective at last by means of orders sent from Constan-
tinople through our ambassador, Sir Stratford Canning.^
Fra Angelo was beyond our reach, for it is said that,
according to capitulations, the inmates of convents are
amenable only to their own superiors.
The next year (1853) I was again in Nazareth, and
found the Protestants respectable in number and cha-
racter ; they were also supported by a goodly party in
the town council. The Greek party was necessarily some-
what in the shade by reason of the war then commenced,
and they had summoned their only clever man in Pales-
tine (out of Jerusalem) Nyphon, the curate of Nabloos, to
be bishop of Nazareth, with a view of counteracting the
Protestant progress. The Latin community was still at
the mercy of stupid and ignorant friars, whose influence
was certainly diminished since Fra Angelo's ebullition
above described.
On the whole subject of native Protestantism I am
convinced that it has a good reflective effect upon the old
^ See TranalationB given at the end of this Ohapter.
154 INFLUENCE ON THE EASTERN CHURCHES.
Christian communities, and also in behalf of even these in
the mind of the Moslem enemies, who will learn that
Christianity is not necessarily a mere worship of images
and pictures, but is consistent with good moral conduct
before God and man. The servitude of many generations
has undoubtedly produced an evil effect upon Oriental
Christendom, so that one often hears it said, Give me the
plain word of a Mohammedan and I will believe it, but
no trust is to be placed in a score of Christian oaths. I
am sure that there is at all times much exaggeration in
this, and that in so fisir as it may be true, we are to attri-
bute the difference to prolonged oppression endured on
the one side, while the outside virtues of Moslems are
often the fruit of intense and intolerable pride.
Protestantism in Turkey has already had, and will
continue to have, an ameliorating, a recuperative tendency.
It is the true salt taking the place of old salt that has lost
much of its savour, not only in concerns of worship and
dogma, but in relation to conscience and its effect upon
society.
The Oriental, though living churches, lie in a state
of lethargy. The Roman church has in that country
a higher amount of energy imparted to it through the
Patriarchate, although working upon several wrong prin-
ciples ; while at the time we are now considering. Pro-
testantism, as represented by the Church of England, had
not the force and vivacity that it ought to exhibit, in
respect to either its national, or its distinctive doctrinal
character.
From what has been now said on the subject it will
be seen that in 1853 Protestantism, native and foreign,
PIRMAN FOR BUILDING CONSULAR dlAPEL. J 55
had made considerable progress in Palestine — that it had
become an appreciable element in public afiairs, an ele-
ment likely to rise into greater importance.^
Translation of a Firm&nj addressed to the Vallee of Saida^
the Oovemor of JerusaleTn^ and others^ a/tUhorismg the
huildvng of a British ConsuLar Chapel in Jerusalem.
It has been represented, both now and before, on the part of
the British embassy residing at my Court, that British and
Prussian Protestant subjects visiting Jerusalem meet with dif-
ficulties and obstructions, owing to their not possessing a place
of worship for the observance of Protestant rites ; and it has
been requested that permission should be given to erect for the
first time a special Protestant place of worship within the British
Consular residence at Jerusalem.
Whereas it is in accordance with the perfect amity and cor-
dial relations existing between the Grovernment of Q-reat Britain
and my Sublime Porte, that the requests of that Q-ovemment
should be complied with as far as possible ; and whereas, more-
over, the aforesaid place of worship is to be within the Consular
residence, my Royal permission is therefore granted for the
erection of the aforesaid special place of worship within the
aforesaid Consular residence. And my Imperial order having
been issued for that purpose, the present decree containing per-
mission has been specially given from my Imperial divan.
When therefore it becomes known unto you, Vallee of Saida,
Governor of Jerusalem, and others, as aforesaid, that our Boyal
permission has been granted for the erection in the manner
above stated of the aforesaid place of worship, you will be care-
' In Jerusalem, in 1853, the congregation which assemhled in the English
Church was as follows : —
Adnlte.
GhfldioL
English
84
18
Jewish Ghiistians
82
27
,f Oatechumens
19
7
Arab Communicanta
20
22
Prussian Congregation
21
2
156 EIRMAN PROTECTING PROTESTANTS.
fill that no person do in any manner whatever oppose the erec-
tion of the aforesaid place of worship in the manner stated, and
you will not act in contravention hereof. For which purpose
my Imperial Firman* is issued.
On its arrival you will act in accordance with my Imperial
Firman issued for this purpose in the manner aforesaid — be it
thus known unto you, giving full faith to the Imperial cypher.
Written on the first day of Ramadan 1261 (10 Sept. 1845>
Translation of the Firman of 1850, granting Protection to
ProteetarUa^ being Turkish Subjects.
To my Vizier Mohammed Pasha, Minister of Police at my
Capital — the honourable minister and glorious counsellor, the
model of the world, and regulator of the affairs of the com-
munity, who, directing the public interests with sublime pru-
dence, consolidating the structure of the empire with wisdom,
and strengthening the columns of its prosperity and renown, is
the recipient of every grace from the Most High. May Gt>d
prolong his glory I
When this Sublime and August Mandate reaches you, let it
be known that
Whereas hitherto those of my Christian subjects who have
embraced the Protestant faith have suffered inconvenience and
difficulties in consequence of their not being placed under a
separate and special jurisdiction, and in consequence of the
Patriarchs and Primates of their old creeds which they have
abandoned, naturally not being able to administer their affairs :
And whereas, in necessary accordance with my Imperial com-
passion which extends to all classes of my subjects, it is con-
trary to my Imperial pleasure that any one class of them should
be exposed to trouble :
And whereas by reason of their faith^ the above-mentioned
already form a separate community, it is therefore my royal
compassionate will, that, by all means, measures be adopted for
facilitating the administration of their affairs so that they may
live in peace, quiet, and security.
FTRMAN protecting PROTESTANTS. 157
Let then a respectable and trustworthy person acceptable to,
and chosen by, themselves from among their own members, be
appointed with the title of Agent of the Protestants, who shall
be attached to the department of the Minister of Police. It shall
be the duty of the agent to have under his charge the register
of the members of the community, which shall be kept at the
police. The agent shall cause to be registered therein all births
and deaths in the community. All applications for passports and
marriage licences, and special transactions of the community
that are to be presented at the Sublime Porte or to any other
department, must be given under the official seal of his agent.
For the execution of my will, this my royal mandate and
august command has been specially issued and granted from my
Imperial Chancery.
Hence, you, the Minister above-named, in accordance with
the explanations given, will execute to the letter the preceding
ordinance ; except that as the collection of the capitation tax
and delivery of passports are subjected to specific regulations,
you will not do anything contrary to them. You will not per-
mit anything to be required of them on pretence of fees and
expenses, for marriage licences or registrations.
You will see to it that, like the other conmiunities of the Em-
pire in all their affairs and all matters appertaining to their ceme-
teries and places of worship, they should have every facility and
assistance needed. You will not permit that any of the other
communities should in any way interfere with their rights or
with their religious concerns, and, in short, in no wise with any
of their affairs, secular or religious, that thus they may be
enabled to exercise the usages of their faith in security.
And it is enjoined upon you not to allow them to be mo-
lested an iota in these particulars, or in any others, and that all
attention and perseverance be put in requisition to maintain
them in quiet and security. And in case of necessity, they are
permitted to make representations regarding their affairs through
their agent to the Sublime Porte.
When this my Imperial will shall be brought to your know-
ledge and appreciation, you will have this august Edict regis-
158 GRAND VIZIERB LETTER.
•
tered in the proper department, and cause it to be perpetuated
in the hands of the above-mentioned subjects, and you will see
to it that its requirements be always executed to their full
import.
Thus be it known to thee, and respect my sacred signet I
Written in the holy month of Moharrem, A.H. 1267 (Nov.
1860).
Qiven in the protected city of Constantinople.
Letter from the Orcmd Vizier to Mehemet Pashdi, Oovemor of
Saida. Dated April 6th^ 1852.
Clear information has reached us that some Catholics, dwell-
ing in Nazareth, have assaulted two Protestant clergymen, and
that the latter were unable to defend themselves or to restore
or maintain peace and tranquillity in that village, inasmuch as
the local G-ovemor had not even a single agent of Police at
hand :
Now his Imperial Majesty is desirous that all classes of his
subjects, living under the shadow of his guardianship, should
enjoy in all respects the utmost personal security and be fully
protected :
Therefore, your Excellency, after verifying the facts, will
forthwith place, in the above-mentioned village, a police force
sufficient to assure the tranquillity of its inhabitants, and will
instantly take steps to seek out, arrest and punish the persons
who have dared to commit the outrage just alluded to, so as to
inspire terror into like persons. And for that end, we have
addressed this present letter to your Excellency.
(Signed) Mustafa Bashbed.
16 Jumadhi el akher, 1208.
159
CHAPTER Vn.
TURKISH GOVERNMENT IN PALESTINE.
Pashis — ^fiCilitary force — EegxQars — ' Nixam ' — Irregulars — ' Baehi-Bozuk *
— ^Their pay and their duties — ^Taxation — Jaffa as Seaport — Law Courts —
Kidi — ^Mufd — Christian Evidence — Municipal Courts — Mejlis — Reforms
— ^Arab Office-holders — Jewish 'Beth-din' — Weak points in the adminis-
tration of Law — ^The laws in Turkey are good in themselves — Benefits
of Consular vigilance — Check upon unjust rulers — Effect upon the Pash&s
of Consular reports to the British Embassy at Constantinople — ^Progress
and improvement before Crimean War — Condition of Christians ma-
terially improved before 1863 — Influence of Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe
— ^Injurious effect of Russian War^ in reviving fanaticism and checking
progress — ^Testimony of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe.
We have reviewed the parties in immediate collision for
custody of the Sanctuaries, and in order to understand
fully the condition of the country during the events to
be hereafter related, we have taken also into consideration
other corporate concerns. The first in importance of all
must be those of the Turkish administration . of govern-
ment in Palestine. Let us now proceed to a sketch of
the condition of the Turkish government before and up to
1856. This was carried on by a Governor from Con-
stantinople who, until the Crimean war began, had only
the rank of * Muteserref,' or Pashk having two horse-tails,
for his ensign.
He was usually spoken of as *The Pashk.' His
immediate superior was the *W&li' or 'Musheer' of
Saida (Sidon), with three horse-tails for ensign, now
160 FASH^.
reading in Beyroot, although previous to the expulsion
of the Egyptians in 1840, Jerusalem had been dependent
on Damascus, whoever might be its local ruler.
The custom of the Turkish Government was to appoint
Paahiis for only one year — removing them at the end of
that term to Home other post. The appointments were
made in Constantinople in the month of March. Hitherto,
as already mentioned, the Jerusalem Fashk had been only of
the grade of ' Muteserref,' with ensign of two horse-tails.
Now, however, the Ottoman Government had sent us for
Paahk a ' Musheer,' whose higher grade entitled him to
the ensign of three horse-t^ls — thus making Jerusalem
and its Governor of equal rank with Beyroot and its
Musheer, to whom the Paahis of Jerusalem and of Acre
had hitherto been subordinate. It was an unprecedented
occurrence for Jerusalem to have a Musheer of its own.
He was, as usual, a Turk from Constantinople, Hhftfiz
Pashk by name, and he was an old man of much bodily
infirmity, intent only on making the most of his office
in a pecuniary sense, so long as it lasted. His age (it
was said he was eighty) and decrepitude led peopl'^ ♦"
suppose that in any case this would not be long.
His hungry dependent scribes, pipe-bearers, etc.,
had come with their master, were as intent as he on ma
their fortune, and, being younger men, were able to
more active measures to that end. But the Pashi
many opportimities, without leaving his Seraglio, of e
dsing the Turkish adroitness which induces those ui
Government jurisdiction to propitiate their rulers
means of bakhsheesh. And his rank gave him a cei
waght and influence in the country at first.
THE SERAGLIO. 161
European visitors who for any object gained access
through their Consulates to the Seraglio, i.e. the Pashk's
residence, never failed to be astonished at the beggarly
meanness of that mansion and its attendants, as well as at
the simplicity of the mode of conducting business there,
unless indeed they had previously had opportunities of
seeing other Seraglios in other provinces, for all are nearly
alike. His Excellency himself was free from pomp and
glorification, for why should he spend money on these ?
His officials were ragamuffins. The house was one
hired for rent, extremely dilapidated, with its lower rooms
employed as a prison for criminals, whose chains were
often heard rattling, and from which region unwholesome
exhalations proceeded. The reception room was poorly
furnished and under some of the Pashks paper bags were
to be seen suspended on nails around the walls, each con-
taining fiscal accounts or correspondence belonging to the
place whose name was written upon it, but in a later period
these were removed to another room, where the secreta-
ries were engaged, seated cross-l^ged amid an admirable
confusion of papers.
This state of tilings was, however, compatible with
extreme formality and servility on the part of secre-
taries and officers in attendance, and oriental poUteness
to strangers on the part of His Excellency. It appears
that some improvements have been made of late years,
in respect of furniture and method. As for Archives of
the Pashalic, we had reason to believe that none were
preserved in Jerusalem, each Pashk carrying oflf the papers
referring to his own term of office.
The Pashalic was divided into the three * Sanjaks '
VOL. I. M
162 TURKISH OFFICIALS.
(literally meaning ^banners'), or districts of Jerusalem,
Nabloos, and Gaza, each having its own civil governor (in
Nabloos and Gtaza styled the ' Mutesellini/ or in Turkish
the ^Eaimak&m'), its own Judge (E&di) and treasurer
(Khaznad&r). The Pashk was understood to hold office
for one year, the K&di for three, unless promoted else-
where during the term.
This short tenure of office by the Pashk was doubtless
intended to operate as a check upon ambitious men, who
might take advantage of their high place of trust in pro-
vinces remote from the capital, and make themselves
independent of the central government, as had been fre-
quently the case in former times.
But the system had its grave disadvantages. In the
majority of instances it was notorious that these officials
procured their appointments by bribery of those above
them, and heavy fees to be paid. They, therefore, for
the most part, came to their new post in a state of hungry
impoverishment, and it became an* object of first impor-
tance tu them to make money as fast as possible out of
the province during the brief term assigned them ; and
this necessity repeats itself at every fresh appointment.
This recovery of wealth might be effected in sundry
ways : all parties were eager to bid for the favour and
advantages belonging to subordinate commissions mider
the new ruler, and if the agricultural revenue coming
into the Constantinople Treasury was but small, it was
not because the fiill amount was not exacted from the
peasantry, but because the tax-farmers and Pash&s had
the first share.
Again it was impossible for a strange Pashk, fresh
SHORT TENURE OF OFFICE. 163
fix)m Turkey and ignorant of the very language spoken
in his territory, to become a master of the affairs there, or
acquainted with the needs of the population, or even of
their actual condition. This would not have mattered so
much if any faithful interpreter of occurrences were at
hand ; but it was everybody's interest to deceive the
Pashk, while seeking to attain his personal or family or
faction objects.
Most helpless is each new Pashk understanding only
Turkish, and aware that his removal may take place
under local intrigue even within the allotted year; for
intrigues proceed from not only the Arab Effendia, but
also from the restless communities of rival Christians with
their European supporters.
Even were such a Pashk high-minded and disinte-
rested, yet how should he be able to cope with these diffi-
culties? but as the class of Turks from among whom
Pashks in those days were appointed were neither high-
minded nor disinterested, it was some mitigation of cur-
rent evils that their administration rarely lasted more
than one year. Between 1846 and 1853 I had seen six
successive Pashks within our province, of whom only one
possessed any of the qualities that we should deem requi-
site for his office.
The ruler and the ruled alike regarded the Pashk as a
mere bird of passage, too often a bird of prey on its pad-
sage ; some times feared, never respected, -and commonly
hoodwinked by each party in turn, leaving the un-
remedied disorders of the place to the lot of his equally
short-hved successor.
The poverty of the Turkish Government was fre-
M 2
164 EVILS OF THE SYSTEM.
quently a cause of difficulty in the administration of public
affairs.
The troops were in arrears of pay because there was
no money in the Public Treasury. The Government
officials often were kept long waiting for their salary.
Public works, necessary repairs, were neglected for the
same reason. Stores and supplies could not be laid in at
'the right season, or if laid in, payment for them was
deferred.
And yet the land was fertile — and large sums were
levied upon the peasants as taxes.
But the money did not find its way into the Treasury
of the Sultan. Bashi-Bozuk collectors, tax-farmers, and
local or Turkish governors absorbed a large proportion.
One who had the best opportunities for observation
wrote at that time : — ' The Turkish Government have no
moral power, the state of their army and finances de-
prive them of a physical one in a country where passion
prevails over, reason, and where reUgion and public
opinion, such as it is, appear rather to develope than to
check enmity and dissension.' And again he touches
upon graver defects : — * The misconduct of the Turkish
authorities who have been sent to Syria — their want of
education and of talent, their entire ignorance of public
opinion, would alone render them unfit tmcontroUed to
govern the country.'
These words were written before the progress of
events had raised up a class of well-educated Pashks.
They applied with strict truth to such men as were sent to
govern Jerusalem before the Crimean War. They were
written in the very province afterwards so ably governed
EDUCATED PASHIS. THE MILITABY. 165
by Daood PasM (a Christian), whose high polish, urbane
manners, and varied learning (including a thorough know-
ledge of the Anglo-Saxon language and literature) so
delighted Tristram when he visited the Lebanon twenty
years after the above words had been written, descriptive
of the class of men who were then the rulers of the pro-
vinces of Turkey.^
Military Force^ Regulars and Irregulars — Taxation,
The Niz&m, or regular military force for the whole
PashaJic, consisted of one battaUon of infantry, generally
deficient in number, stationed at Jerusalem., and in those
days commanded by a * Bin-bashi,' whose rank was equal
to our major. We never had any regular cavalry or
proper artillery, and these Niz&m were independent of
our Pashk's control. The Bin-bashi might, indeed, place
them at his disposal, on appUcation being made in written
fonnality, countersigned by other functionaries of civil
administration, either for display at special times, or for
menace of turbulent peasantry, but never for actual fight-
ing— this latter service would require express permission
for each single occasion from the ' Seri-asker,' or com-
mander-in-chief at Damascus. How different from the
^ Besides Tristram, other travellers have come in contact with Fashlis of
the new school, and Lord Stratford de Redcliffe has added his testimony to
theirs. He tells us that even in the later years of his residence in Constan-
tinople ' A Turk of good manners who can talk French, who has visited
the chief cities of Christendom and has some acquaintance with European
literature, is no longer, as in the last century, a phoenix or a Uack swan.
The Ghreeks have ceased to monopolise the main channel of communication
between the Porte and the foreign ambassadors at Constantinople. The
functions of chief interpreter are performed by a Mussulman.* (Lord Strata
ford de Redcliife in ' The Nineteenth Century,' p. 737.)
166 REGULARS AND IRREGULARS.
old Pashks of Anatolia or Yanina! when their soldiers
might sing —
Since the days of the Prophet the world never saw
A chieftain so glorious as ' Ali PashiL !
About half-a-dozen men in Nizftm uniform, with a sub-
altern officer, served the iron guns upon the castle walls
for firing salutes. These men were our artillery corps.
In July of this year we find only 120 regulars in Jeru-
salem, the rest having gone to Hebron. But the avail-
able force of government was that of the * Bashi-bozuk,'
or ' Hawflra ' (the latter being their Arabic designation),
who have been rightly described as the * irregular soldiery
with irregular pay ' — horsemen vdthout uniform, a ragged
and disorderly set ; these were always at the disposal of
the Pashk, and mostly employed in delivering messages
of government service among the towns or villages, or in
serving writs of summons to the Shaikhs, or in collecting
the taxes. They were stationed at the leading towns as
required.^ Travellers and artists used to dehght them-
selves in the wild and beggarly appearance of these tat-
terdemalions and their accoutrements, making, as they
did, picturesque subjects for journals or albums ; and
should the delineator, verbal or linear, chance to have
witnessed some of their simple evolutions, when acting
together as a body, so much the more ' telling ' would
his descriptions be at home.
But the lax and corrupt system on which that mili-
tary corps was conducted, although so much of govem-
1 This arm of military service has heen re-organised of late, as we are told,
and arrayed in uniform by the Turks under the name of Seyara in Arabic, or
something that is meant to imitate the French name of 'gens d'armes.'
IRREGULARS OR BASHI-BOZUK. 167
ment action depended upon it, and the amount to which
the revenue was defrauded through its own incompetency
to punish these men, or even bring them to a reckoning,
could not be perceived by a casual tourist over the coim-
try — it could only be guessed from their shaggy ap-
pearance.
The Pashk would be commissioned to engage a cer-
tain number of Bashi-bozuk within his province, accord-
ing to the exigency of circumstances. The largest number
that I have known on service was nominally 600 ; that
number was divided into four troops, and each of these
subdivided into ten companies, but seldom could more
than half the roll be mustered.
The captains (agas) having purchased their commis-
sions from Damascus or Constantinople, by direct bribery,
would have to recover the outlay. But they were badly
paid, for almost all arms of military service were far in
arreax of pay ; and these people used opportunities, which
the NizS,m were without, of reimbursing themselves freely,
either by violent exactions on the peasantry, or by frauds
on the government accounts — the latter mode, particu-
larly in the way of diminishing the number of men em-
ployed, while all the time drawing on the local treasury for
,full pay and rations, was very common, and as the men
were scattered about, the cheat was not easily detected.
Upon the rare occasions of the Pashk calling out the
Bashi-bozuk for inspection, or his summoning them for
sudden duty, nothing was easier than for the captains to
hire for the time the required complement from those
unemployed men of dissolute habits of life, unattached
and loafing about — the Aga knew where to fimd them.
168 PAY OF THE IRREGULARS.
They might be half-starved lads of sixteen, or weazened
old men — all . the same for his purpose ; no uniform was
required ; any scraggy, ill-fed horse was sufficient for use,
as well as any sort of weapon for exhibition at a distance,
such as a pair of old pistols, or an odd one, or a rusty
musket — so rusted that the bayonet at the end of it, if
there were one, could not be wrenched off; or a spear,
with its long broken handle spliced up with twine. One
weapon only seemed to be indispensable, and that was a
sword, the curved sabre of the East.
Supplementaries of this kind were sometimes unpro-
vided at the moment of call with a horse, they having
since the last employment sold it, or pawned it, or gam-
bled it away. In such a case the Aga would advance him
one at tally-price, to be deducted out of the pay, miserable
even when it is paid. But what was the pay of even the
best men, of fellows in good health, having warm clothes,
a good horse, and pretty fair weapons of their own, for
of such there were some ?
The fiiU salary allowed by Government was seventy-
y five piastres per month (then about twelve shillings and
sixpence), with fifteen barley loaves a week, of detestable
quahty, served out firom Friday to Friday. Out of this
allowance the soldier had to provide his own horse, with
saddle and bridle, horse-shoes, nose-bag and saddle-bags ;
but the government stores supphed barley for the horse
(oats are unknown in the East). Could the man subsist
upon this ? Impossible — and he did not ; yet a thorough
Haw4ra was gluttonised on good things, but how was this
done?
He had been despatched (usually three or four went
THEIR DUTIES AND EXACTIONS. 169
together) to a village, with a government message — ^per-
haps a distress warrant, common enough. On his arrival
there to billet himself, the people, in abject terror, derived
fix)m past ezperience, flee away; but if this be impossible,
they come forward, assist the gentleman in dismounting,
put his horse into the best place they have, establish him
in the best house, get together the best cushions to form a
divfi-n for his repose, and in all haste bring the very best
food that can be had — ^as fowls, sheep's-tail (the delicious
leeyeh)^ and fresh eggs ; also fruits according to the
season, as grapes, melons, or pomegranates; and if the
village be a Christian one, or near to such, raki spirit is
procured for him to drink — the whole party is treated in
the same way, living, according to the old English pro-
verb, 'at rack and manger.' The visitors smoke their
pipes, call' each other Agas, and the more days the mer-
rier for them to live on free quarters.
At their departure, the business being settled, the
poor victims cram the pockets and saddle-bags of the
Aga-company for the journey. I have known instances
from report of these licensed miscreants arriving at a
village, fully supplied from the last station of their visita-
tion, and when the unhappy people presented their best
delicacies, kick away that choice pilaf, or the lamb roasted
whole, into the dust, and demand in place of these a sum
of money as its value, assessed by themselves, and then
feed upon what they had brought in their saddle-bagd.
Well might the people fear the approach of such
messengers, and that very prestige of dread which cleared
the way before them, was a weapon of greater force than
any display of military arms that could be made. And
170 AG AS AND THEIR MEN
should the Fashk and his council by any possibility hear
of these doings, the complaint would be in due form
received, and the captain asked in mellifluent Turkish if
his men had not been maligned by the rude fellahheen :
he would then, with a graceful salute, promise to enquire
into the circumstances ; but woe to the place from which
the accusation proceeded, so much the greater woe as the
men who had been the ofienders were often foreigners to
the country — pitiless Bosnians or Koords.
These Haw&ra had occasionally other employment
on hand, such as escorting European travellers who pay
and feed well, besides the countless ingenuities of extor-
tion which Asiatic customs admit of, among the natives.
They cared little for their officers ; everyone styled his
fellow, and was called in return, an Aga, except in the
real Aga's presence ; and one and all were at liberty any
day or at any hour to abandon the service — there being
no stipulated period of engagement, there could be no
such crime as desertion. Their military training was
meagre enough, almost limited to a deploying from close
to open order, or wildly scattering like locusts, then
gathering into a body at a given signal, evolutions capable
certainly of being turned to excellent account when re-
quired, which with us was never the case. The men
had, however, some amount of emulation among them in
the riding practice of their peculiar style, and throwing
and catching the jereed.
I had almost forgotten to mention their only martial
music, namely a pair of diminutive kettle-drums, each
perhaps a little larger than an English breakfast cup,
beaten by short leathern straps, during which operation
USED IN COLLECTING TAXES, 171
the performer holds the reins of his horse between his
teeth ; more than one such drummer might be found in
each troop, and this music gave notice in advance to any
village or town of their approach ; these instruments they
call trompeta ; the Arab population call them iubkh (a
corruption of the Turkish word tavool^ a drum), but
Europeans unceremoniously call them tom-toms^ as if they
belonged to mere African savages. The effect, however,
was wild and even exciting when heard from a distance
among the hills.
More has been here said than was intended, about the
Bashi-bozuk, having in view the special importance of
that force in carrying on the mechanism of government
throughout the country. Eidicule and opprobrious
epithets are sometimes directed from the populace to the
Niz4m regulars ; but no one ventures to behave saucily
to the Bashi-bozuk-askeri. The Niz&m are harmless
beyond the city walls, but the others are ubiquitous and
acquainted with the country.^
Before quitting this subject, it should be observed
that by the Tanzim&t of the Empire it is unlawful to
employ military in the collection of taxes ; but the autho-
rities interpret the word military to mean the Niz&m, and
the Bashi-bozuk, when engaged in this service, only com-
pel the payment of arrears by every and any means,
hardly short of violence of hands or weapons.
Taxation in Palestine was not burdensome when kept
within the legal limits, the principal branch of which con-
^ And yet these Bafihi-bozuk make excellent soldiers under proper offi-
cer b — as we saw during the Crimean War, when a corps of Bashi-bozuk
was placed under the command of British officers.
172 TAXATION.
sist8 in the Sultan's tithe of produce, and the military
compensalioa for exemption from mUitaiy service, i.e. the
MAl-miri and the M&l-askeri.
These had been revived and fixed during the Egyptian
occupation, and I have before me an authenticated copy
of the registered assessment for each place within the
Pashalic ; but the Turks, since their return, have never
taken the trouble to adjust the assessment to the shifting
circumstances of the period ; the consequence has been an
inequahty of burden to an alarming degree, some places
which had made considerable advance in prosperity,
during twenty or twenty-five years, remaining still charged
as when they had been in their lower condition ; while
others were highly taxed although nearly deserted of in-
habitants fi*om their land being exposed to raids of wild
Arabs, which was not the case under the strong government
of the Egyptians, when the assessment was last adjusted.
There were minor taxes which gradually increased in
number, such as the ' Jeleb ' on cattle, and the ' Damga '
on stamps — ^the latter ingeniously applied to tailors and
shoemakers, who were not allowed to sell new waret
without the articles being stamped by the collector, be-
sides, of course, the Customs dues at the sea-ports, which
were not excessive ; but all these calling for honest super-
vision among the officials, and of such supervision there
was none.
Jerusalem city was exempted fix)m military. service, as
it is one of the three holy cities of the Mohammedans,
and therefore firee from even exemption fees; but the
Christians there conceived themselves Ul-used in being
compelled to pay substitution for military service, in which
DUES AND CUSTOMS. JAFFA. EXPORTS. 173
neither there nor elsewhere were they allowed to serve
personally. It was a poor compensation for them all
over the country to be delivered from the odium of the
capitation military tax (Khar&j), when a larger amount
was substituted under another name for the same. But,
on the other hand, the amount of this tax was small, and
the Cihristians had no wish whatever to become soldiers.
Certain dues and Customs duties were levied at the
gates of Jerusalem, if they had not been already paid at
the seaport of Jaffa — ^for the port of Jerusalem is Jaffa,
thirty-five miles off by ordinary road.
Jaffa cannot, however, be said to have a port, properly
so called, and yet a good deal of shipping trade id carried
on there. English and foreign ships come there for grain.
We have known there to be, at one and the same time,
three Enghsh vessels and one Maltese taking in grain —
wheat, millet, and sesam^ — ^besides an iron ship of 300
tons (also English), taking in com for Cork and Falmouth,
a Norwegian bark had taken in corn for Ireland in the
same week.
Soap factories, oil stores, and houses were built, the
stones being brought by sea from the ruins of ancient
Caesarea and Athleet. Olive oil is also exported, and
Germans, as well as other Europeans and Americans, had
settled there in order to carry on trade and agriculture.^
There is but little trade and no commerce in Jerusa-
lem. The trade is limited to the dealings of those who
supply the wants, not so much of the residents (for the
Oriental residents have few absolute wants that are not
' Very great progress has been made in every respect since the Crimean
War, and the population has much more than doubled.
174 MANUFACTURES. COMMERCE. MONEY.
supplied by the produce of the district immediately sur-
rounding) as of the Christian pilgrims and of the Euro-
pean settlers. European goods are brought into the city
in quantities yearly on the increase.
The only manufacture in Jerusalem is that of soap,
for which the olive oil and the alkali, both native pro-
ducts, supply the materials. The soap is imported chiefly
to Egypt
But although Jerusalem is not a commercial empo-
rium, a prodigious amount of money is annually poured
into the city from Europe. None however goes out,
except, of course, to the Turkish treasury, and the com-
paratively small amount needed for trade. The larger
proportion of the money which arrives is poured by the
pilgrims into the treasuries of tJie great Christian Con-
vents, where it remains.
The coins of all nations were, and still are, current
in Jerusalem. This was partly owing to the fact that
pilgrims of all nations brought with them sums of greater
or less amount in ready cash — the fruits of their lifelong
savings for the purposes of the pilgrimage. Moreover, as
there were at that time no banks and no commerce, pro-
perly so called, remittances were generally made to the
Convents, to the Government, and to Europeans, in
specie.
The various coins had a fluctuating value, different at
one time from another, and all and each different in the
different towns and villages. In Jerusalem there was the
government value, generally depreciated by proclamation
about the time when public taxes were leviable. There
was also the merchant or trader's value, and the value
LAW COURTS. 175
current in the markets. Besides this there were differ-
ences to be allowed for on account of light weight and
other causes. Great confusion and loss was occasioned
by all these sources of perplexity in money transactions
and in the daily dealings of life.
Law Courts and the Administration of Justice,
We now proceed to the administration of justice in
the Courts of Law.
Every town has its judge, a native of the country
(except at Jerusalem), who decides causes on the principles
of the Kor&n and its Conunentaries, as far as he is
acquainted with them. These minor judges are appointed
by the K&di of the next capital city, who is himself com-
missioned by purchase from Constantinople for a term
of three years, the scale of purchase rising from that of
the lowest appointment up to the highest, which is
Baghdad, and Jerusalem stands rather high upon the
ladder.
The K&di's court is called the * Makhkameh,' and the
judge receives a fee of three per cent, upon the value of
suits decided, to be paid by the gainer in the cause.
Now-a-days, however, the KMis complain of their fees
falling off considerably, on account of the modem institu-
tion of Municipal Courts, called the * Mejhs,' and even of
the Consular Courts, into which mixed cases are often
9
carried. Yet matters of Moslem religion, and of inherit-
ance, or of fixed property, must necessarily go to the
Makhkameh.
These K&dis and their courts are notorious, and
always have been so (see * Arabian Nights 'jpas^nw, and
176 THE kAdi. the muftl
elsewhere), for the prevalence of bribery, jealousy, &-
vouritism, interested intercession, etc.
' The suborning of false testimony firom men waiting
at the door for employment in perjury, for even a trifling
pay, Ls a matter of frequent occurrence ; and the failings
of the Klldi give a zest to social conversation, or to poems
or narrations at the cofiee-houses : so much so that amopg
Christians who occasionally get pork to eat^ the pig's
head, when brought to table, is in mockery designated
the 'KMi's head.' No wonder then that the natives
repair rather to the local Mejlis, with all its imperfec-
tions, which are many, or, when the case admits of it,
to a European Consul.
Besides the K&di there is a more permanent functionary
of Mohammedan law, entirely independent of the judge,
>, called the Mufti. He has no court, but is rather a con-
sultative judge at home. He is often a native of the
place, and appointed in Constantinople at the Gover-
nor's recommendation. Individuals may have recourse
to him, and even the K&di will, in dubious matters, send
to him a slip of paper from the tribunal. In every case
of consultation, merely the abstract law is asked for,
without mention of the parties concerned — fictitious
names being used in describing the case (generally Zaid
and 'Omar), a practice somewhat analogous to our writs
formerly issued in the name of John Doe and Eichard
Doe, or as the Jews in business take the names of
Eeuben and Simeon, in accordance with Genesis xlviii. 5.
The Mufti's reply is the * Fetwa,' for which he charges
no stated fee, but accepts a present instead — indeed, no
proportionate fee could be assigned to a cause unknovm.
WITNESSES. CHRISTIAN EVIDENCE. 177
One of the Muftis lived in Jerusalem many years, and he
was a just, upright man.
These are the Mohammedan forms of legal procedure.
The principle of a jury is unknown to their law.
Christian evidence could not be received in the Mos-
lem Courts, presided over by the K&di. That court was
theoretically a Court of Equity, governed by Divine
Authority, from whom the Koran laws there administered
had emanated.
In order to preserve the purity of the evidence admis-
sible, it was necessary that ' unbeUevers,' who must of
necessity, according to this theory, be untrustworthy wit-
nesses, should be incapable of giving legal evidence.
Hence the exclusion of Christian evidence. However
plausible this theory, the injustice to non-Moslems was
manifest. It was impossible, in many cases, for Christians
to find two Moslem witnesses, and in practice Moslem
witnesses were found hostile to Christians. How then
was justice to be obtained for Christians and non-Moslems?
Let those who can imderstand what it would cost a sincere
son of the Church of Eome to acknowledge any modifica-
tion of the authority of the Pope as Vicar of Christ, or a
simple devout Eussian to suppose that any power, sacred
or profane, could be competent to dispute the will of the
Autocrat who is to him God's earthly vicegerent — let
such a one estimate the difficulty of getting a zealous and
fanatic Moslem in Jerusalem — ^the Holy City, next after
Mecca and Medina — to conceive of any authority or
power, material or moral, which ought to supersede the
religious authority of the K&di, or judge appointed by the
Moslem Supreme Euler at Constantinople, so long as that
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EJL' LEGAL REFORMS. 179
C:J" behalf of their clients. These various Courts were estab-
lished by degrees and in conformity with the new laws,
promulgated from time to time, and at length collected into
a Code of Secular as distinguished from Sacred (Kor&n)
Jurisprudence.
Considerable reforms, particularly in the moral cha-
racter of the general population and the upper classes,
must yet take place before these Courts can in any way be
assimilated to Christian Courts in Europe. It will be neces-
sary for even the native Christian members themselves to
act up to the privileges of their office, and not suffer them-
selves to be bullied down into consent of unrighteous
verdicts at the dictation of the Moslem members, as they
still are. The proportion of Christians and Jews in each
MejUs is but small. ^
^ LoTd Stratford de Redcliffe makes the following statements on the
legal reforms in Turkey : —
' The Kor&n is far from being that inelastic code of laws which many
suppose. It has long ceased to be an exact mirror of Islamism as practised
by the Ottoman authorities. The difierence which has perceptibly grown up
between the letter and the practice of the law is not merely one of suspension,
such as the disuse of hostilities for the propagation of the &ith, but positively
active, as in the case of treaties and alliances with Ohristian powers. This
primary departure from the system of policy prescribed by Islamism dates
from the sixteenth century. Solyman the Magnificent, and Francis I., of
France, first set the example of an alliance between the sovereign of the
Turks and a Ohristian Power. The act was founded on mutual convenience
suggested by their respective international positions at the time. It led to
the establishment of similar relations between the Porte and other European
powers, to th^ reception of Consuls in the out ports of Turkey, and to the
exercise of jurisdiction by them over their own fellow-subjects. It was the
first link in a series of conceesions which may furly be called extrchKaranic,
and which were gradually made to the necessity more and more felt by the
Porte of obtaining a less isolated position as to the States of Ohristendom.'
(Lord Stratford de Redcliffe in the ' Nineteenth Century,* p. 730.)
' The process of reform, skilfully introduced, was fostered by the same
able statesman. One measure after another was brought forward and adopted
till the proclamation of Gvdhanif and the introduction of extensive refornm
n3
180 IMPERIAL PROCLAMATIONS.
In continuation of this subject it should be mentioned
that a close corporation of Arab families, not recognised by
law, but influential by position, usurped all the municipal
offices among them. These men were mostly descended
under the name of T<mdmat^H€ttriehy gave a solemn and imposing earnest of
Mahmoud's sincerity. They hud the foundations of a real improvement in
the Turkish administrative system, and more especially in the treatment of
rayahs, non-Mussulman subjects bound to pay a yearly poll-tax to the Grand
S^gnior. Further and more decided measures of reform were subsequentiy
adopted. Those of a judicial character were not the least important. A
court was established for the trial of civil causes between the Porte's subjects
and foreigners. It was a mixed tribunal, taking cognisance more particularly
of differences arising in trade and navigation. Its maxims of law and rules
of procedure were derived from Christian sources. Our leading principles
and forms of trial, exclusive of juries, were even admitted by firman in some
of the criminal courts : and at Constantinople, in the highest of those courts
where Mohammedan law prevailed, our Consul-general was allowed to sit
with the power of watching the proceedings, and staying for his assent the
execution of judgment on behalf of British subjects brought to trial on
capital charges.
'To these beneficial innovations are to be added the estabUshment of
lazarettos for quarantine against plague and cholera ; the suppression of the
negro slave trade, with a view to that of slavery ; the abolition of torture
and of capital punishment in cases of conversion Ax)m Islamism ; and the
recognition of Protestantism as one of the protected and established religions
of Turkey.
'During the Crimean war a notable enlargement took place in other
branches of social progress, inconsistent more or less with the restrictions of
Mussulman law, but required by the necesdties of the Empire On
the cessation of hostilities, all previous reforms, together with important
additions, were confirmed and declared by an Imperial proclamation known
as Hatt-y-homayoon, solenmly promulgated, and inserted, as a fact, in the
general treaty of peace. Among its new provisions were two in particular
characterised by a liberality which it would not be easy to surpass. By one
the faculty of holding land in fee throughout Turkey was granted to foreign
subjects, with a reserve of some preliminary arrangements. By the other
both natives and foreigners were allowed full liberty of conscience in
religious matters. These are facts, and we are bound to give them our
candid and serious attention. They remove a part of the difficulty which
Islamism opposes in theory to the reformation of the Turkish Empire on
European principles. They encourage a hope that the remaining obstacles
may be gradually surmoimted.' (Lord Stratford de Kedcliffe, ' Nineteenth
Century,' p. 731.)
THE EFPENDIS. 181
from the original conquerors of the country in our
seventh century. Some of them hold hereditary posts
conferred on their famiUes by the Caliph 'Omar, such as
Mohammed Danef in the Hharam, Mohammed Durweesh
at the Sepulchre of David, and another at the gate of
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Then there are the
Khflldi, the Wafe (besides other descents of lesser note,
as the 'Assali), all enjoying the title of Effendi (a Turkish
designation), or in their own phraseology * 'Ay&n,' i.e.
auxiliaries. These form the aristocracy of Jerusalem.
Most of these families have territorial property at-
tached to their duties, by virtue of which they hold cer-
tain villages or groups of viUages in a species of serfdom,
in return for correlative benefits enjoyed by the peasants
by the advocacy of those Effendis in the civic Councils.
From such sources the Effendis derive annual supplies for
the house, in grain, firuit, fowls, lambs, butter, and oil.
But immensely fortimate are those of the inner circle,
who from long usage, or from peculiar talents, have
become the recognised advocates for the greater Christian
convents, since the fees thus derived are liberal in the
extreme.
The families of this permanent class intermarry ex-
clusively with each other, and must be carefully dis-
tinguished by us from the few transient Turkish officials,
who form technically * the government,' so transient that
they often leave their families in Constantinople, jand are
helpless in effective administration against or without the
local knowledge and corporate union of these Arab
'Ayftn, of whom indeed several Pashks have had to stand
iu awe.
182 BETH DIN. PBOSECUTIONS.
The native Jewish community is allowed the privilege
of holding* its own ' House of Judgment ' (Beth Din) in
civil and religious matters; and their principal Kabbi is
generally a recognised official, as its Chief Judge, in con-
sideration of a large fee at the Porte, when the funds of
his community can aflford it. This Court is permitted
within certain limits to carry out its own verdicts. But
European Jews are regai-ded, for all law purposes, as
Europeans, without reference to reUgion.
Much that seemed to us Europeans anomalous in the
government of the country, arose from inveterate and
traditional ideas peculiar to the East.
For instance, the absence of feeling that a thief
ought to be punished for the crime of stealing (as against
the Commonwealth), beyond the restitution of the pro-
perty stolen (with addition, by way of fine, if the case is
decided in the village according to Agrarian Law).
When appeal was made to a Turl^sh tribunal by an
European through his Consul, the offender was denounced,
and after a time, more or less, apprehended. The
Council (after hearing) declared him guilty. After long
delay, and repayment of value — often by instalments — ^he
was released, and the authorities bragged of their effectual
punishment of the offence.
And yet this course of procedure had a deterrent
effect: the persistence of Europeans in carrying on a
cause has always a good moral effect. The criminal, on
the other hand, had not only the punishment of detention
in prison till restitution was made, but found to his cost
that some bribe {or fee) had to be paid to every Government
WEAK ADMINISTBATION. 183
official, down to the lowest policeman, before he could
hope to be free.
The loss of hberty was bad; the loss of money,
generally from some ill-gotten hoard, was far worse ;
and he who had been subjected to these took care how
he risked exposing himself to such misfortunes in the
future- Theft is, however, thus as a moral [iniquity
slurred over, in the same manner as murder, which is
regarded as a private personal offence, to be atoned for
by a pecuniary satisfaction to the relatives (unless they
claim satisfaction by blood). Murder is thus not treated
as a state offence : it is no injury to the public welfare.
There was once a case of burglary and murder in
the village of Lifta ; the criminals were brought to trial,
and upon the clearest evidence convicted : no doubt
remained upon the subject. But the Pashk kept them
chained in the seragUo, without further punishment, of
either capital execution or banishment to the public
works. What was the reason of the delay ? * Because,'
said his Excellency, * if I get rid of them we shall never
discover .where they have hid the money that was stolen.'
And the Pasha was acting in accordance with public
opinion !
Another source of weakness in the Turkish adminis-
tration of government lay in the apparent justice, based
on Moslem principles, of awarding no punishment to
anybody unless an individual were accused, and proved
to be guilty. This was of recent introduction.
Under former r^imes, strictly in accordance with
the principles of justice as understood by the population,
a highway robbery would be visited upon the nearest
184 DISADVANTAGES AND ADVANTAGES.
village, or on the district which was held to be actually
responsible for the safety of its own neighbourhood, and
for the good conduct of its own people, after the fashion
of dealing with the old Saxon ' Hundreds.' Now that is
all changed, no amercement of the kind is made ; the
Turks are too indolent to make research, but tell the
complainant, ' You find the offender, and bring him to us,
and see how we will punish him/
In fact it is no novelty to observe that good laws of
one state of society, in one country, are liable to be
productive of positive evil in a different condition of
circumstances and morals.
Where sound morality of conscience in the people,
with vigilant and honomrable administration of law
among the rulers, are to be found, there a strictly per-
sonal responsibility is just and fair.
But where the country is half a wilderness, the
people set up in factions or reUgions adverse to each
other, the government timid, and perjury common as
daily food, a long process of preparation had to be
carried on before the system of European jurisprudence
could be fully adapted to the country.
Yet with all their incompleteness, it must be said that
the regulations from Constantinople are a blessing to the
inhabitants. They are far better now than the original
laws of the Twelve Tables were to the Eomans ; yet the
Komans are regarded as the great nation of antiquity
characterised by the practice of jurisprudence.
Palestine and Turkey in general are far advanced
above the horribly lawless condition of government not
yet effaced from the memory of the existing people.
BENEFITS OF CONStLAft VIGILANCE. 185
EDITOR'S POSTSCRIPT TO CHAPTER Vn.
Strange as it may sound to European ears, it is never-
theless true, that the laws under which Palestine (and
Turkey generally) was governed, are in themselves ex-
cellent. They are based upon the principles of justice
and of humanity — justice for true beUevers more particu-
larly— ^humanity for all.
But the difficulty was to get them justly administered.
This, however, could be done, and was done whenever
Europeans were concerned.
K the Consul had taken the trouble to master and
understand the laws and usages of town and country ; if
he was vigilant, industrious, and firm ; if he was known
to be impartially supported by his own government supe-
riors, in Turkey and in London, the native and Turkish
authorities uniformly attached weight to his representa-
tions.
They always attended to a man who knew how to
persevere quietly and patiently without loss of temper.
When once they understood that applications and repre-
sentations would not cease to be made till justice was
done, that there was no such thing as wearying out the
Consul, or throwing dust in his eyes as to law or fact, they
gave way, and thus it came to pass that, a reputation for
steadfast perseverance being once established, the autho-
rities found out and learned that it saved them trouble
to attend to the Consul at first instead of at last ; and
then they made up their minds that it was in reality
easier to give prompt redress, than to be harassed by
pertinacious, though respectful, importunity.
This process being continued and kept up year after
186 CHECK ON UNJUST RULEBS.
year, a certain prestige grew up around the British Con-
sulate, and successive Fash^is came to understand that the
simplest and best plan was to attend to business at once,
to do it well, and thus to secure peace and comfort for
themselves.
The Orientals used to say that there was nothing that
so wrought upon them as the total absence of bully and
bluster — the quiet, patient firmness they could not with-
stand.
As for the Fashks and their treatment of the subjects
of the Sultan, both Moslem and Christian, there was
another check to which they had never before been
subjected. Pubhc opinion there was and could be none
in an Oriental coimtry without newspapers, public meet-
ings, or communication with the outer world, hitherto
governed by despotic power, even though greatly modi-
fied as in Palestine by the weight allowed, for the sake of
convenience, to native chiefs of districts, clans, or tribes,
who were de facto the governors under the Turkish
Pashk, in the country ; and to the chiefs of the rehgious
communities in the towns, who were left to govern and
be responsible for — their several and respective com-
munities.
But when Europeans, enjoying treaty rights and im-
munities, settled among them, it was found that a check
forming an excellent substitute for pubUc opinion coidd
be brought to bear, and that it was brought to bear with
more and more stringency and efiect.
The appUcation of this check grew up by degrees
and by the force of circumstances. Tiu^kish oflicials
discovered that any misconduct of theirs, any breach of
TRAINING FOR CORRUPT OFFICIALS. 187
the laws, any infringement on their part of ' the benevo-
lent and humane intentions' of his Majesty the Sultan,
were reported at head-quarters in a dry matter-of-fact
way, as a matter of business routine, by people part
of whose business it was to sit and take note of daily
occurrences. And these were people who could be
neither bribed nor bullied, nor worried into silence.
It was not till after the Crimean war that Pashks
found out that revenge could after all be wreaked
against Englishmen who saw too much, and reported
too much of the truth ; and that the old, old tactics
of playing off one against the other could be successfully
practised, even in this matter, by anyone daring and
audacious enough to avail himself skilfully of opportuni-
ties and instruments.
It had been foreseen that the greatest of all diffi-
culties in the way of getting the Sultan's reforms carried
out would be in the executive — ^that unless some
method could be devised for inducing corrupt officials
to carry out the new reforms granted by the Sultan, at
the instance of our Ambassador, Lord Stratford de Eed-
cliffe, they would and must remain a dead letter ; for
laws must remain a dead letter if there be none who
claim their enforcement.
The non-Moslem natives were not in a position to do
so. Mutual jealousies among the various churches of the
Christians prevented their acting with any chance of suc-
cess, either together or independently. They rather, in
their blind folly, brought Moslem and Turkish pressure to
l^ar upon all whom they considered rivals, or desired to
keep in subjection.
188 EFJIOIENT MACHINERY READY.
Again, the timidity and slavish weakness which had
resulted fix)m long ages of servitude and bondage had
deprived the Christians as well as the Jews (and this not
only in the more remote places) of all idea of betteriing
their condition by any effort of their own.
The scene at Acre when the word Ghiaour was ap-
pUed to a Christian in the presence of the Pashk, and
no Christian or Jew present so much as thought of
remonstrating against this breach of law, will serve to
illustrate how the very people who were to be benefited
by the laws of toleration were too ignorant to understand
the boon conferred upon them, too timid to make the
slightest appeal to what had been done in their behalf.
The ruler and the ruled alike needed to be trained in
the path wherein they should go, and this could only be a
gradual process, carried on with patience and moderation.
The promoter of the reforms had, however, ready to
his hand the machinery by which this process could be
. effected, provided only that jealousies and intrigues were
not fomented by people who had no intention of them-
selves encouraging any reforms — who had no wish to see
civil and religious liberty for all creeds alike grow up
within the Turkish Empire — ^liberty that would gradually,
from within and in a peaceful manner, evoke forces
capable of quickening ancient nations and churches into
a new Ufe and an irresistible activity, which could only
result in their complete emancipation from thraldom, by
whomsoever imposed, and from tyranny, whether exer-
cised in the name of Mohammedanism or Christianity.
Between the promulgation of the Edict of Gul-Hane
in 1838, and the end of the Crimean war, the British
BRITISH CONSULS ON THE WATCH. 189
Consular service within the Turkish Empire had been
greatly strengthened.
All British Consuls and Vice-Consuls were officially
informed of the various measures for reforming the ad-
ministration of justice, and for securing civil and religious
liberty among all classes of his Majesty the Sultan's sub-
jects. They were directed to be observant as to the
working of the new system, and to keep the British Am-
bassador and our own Government fully informed on all
points connected with the same.
While abstaining from interference between the Turk-
ish officials and the subjects of the Sultan, they were to
note events as they occurred, to take time and trouble
in quietly ascertaining the truth of each individual case
in which injustice was alleged to have been done.
Having done this, they were to report fully to '
their own superiors, and i£ the case were m-gent, they
were instructed to visit the Governor or Pashk pri-
vately (for of course it was a part of the duty of Consuls,
while carefully maintaining their own rank and independ-
ence, to be on cordial terms with the representatives
of the Turkish Government, and to uphold their
authority and dignity in every way). In the course
of the private visit they were to mention to his Excel-
lency that such and such facts had come to their
knowledge, and remind them that his Majesty the Sultan
in his benevolence desired perfect justice for all his sub-
jects, that it would grieve him to hear of any case in
which even the meanest had suffered wrong, etc., etc.
Possibly the Pashas might not heed so gentle an
190 BRITISH CONSULS REPORT ABUSES.
appeal — especially if a sum of money was at the mo-
ment in his purse or bureau, or known to be on the point
of finding its way thither — expressly for the purpose of
securing his action respecting the case then pending, in
a sense neither just nor humane.
A very few months, however, served to show his
mistake to a Pashk who might have yielded to the seduc-
tive influences of the proffered bribe, and strayed into
the too well known paths of oppression of the innocent.
The Consul had said but little to him, it is true, and that
little in the gentle tones of one who had no authority to
do more than speak of things that were beyond his pro-
vince to remedy.
But after a few weeks had come and gone, and
by the time that the case, with all the Consul's quiet
words, had been pretty well forgotten, the arrival
of the Turkish post from C9nstantinople would bring a
letter, written in the phraseology of command, and calling
for explanations and detaQs and proofs, and the Pashk
found that liis own Government were in possession of far
more knowledge of the case in question than himself or
his secretaries, in their ignorance of the country, and the
people, and the language. How could a Tiu-kish Pashk in
those days become acquainted with any of them all during
his brief tenure of office ?
The poor Pashk found that when the Consul had
ceased to talk to him, he had gone home and had
written to Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe (and if it were
a serious case, to London also, where Lord Palmerston
dwelt), and that a Eeport had been handed to the
Grand Vissier, and that his august master, the Sultan,
THE PASEXB version. 191
had been angered by the information that one of his
Pashks should have presumed to render null, by his
' neglect/ the benevolent intentions of the Sovereign even
to the meanest of his subjects.
But Pashks who had lived a lifetime in ignorance of
the first principles of liberty, and who were some of them
fanatics of the old school, could not be expected to profit
by the first lesson or two. Indeed some of them (in
those days before schools and colleges had sprung up in
the Turkish Empire) were so ignorant that they could
not read their despatches from Constantinople for them-
selves, but were dependent upon secretaries, who read
them for them, and wrote the replies. Now a secretary
might be afraid or unwilling to tell his master aQ that
was in the dispatch from Constantinople. He might be
* retained on the other side,' and trust to his own inge-
nuity, and perhaps to the help of others, also ^ on the
other side,' for some way of throwing dust into the eyes
of the powers at Constantinople, and the Pashk, his mas-
ter, refreshed by further ' presents,' might acquiesce in
the preparation of a reply to Constantinople, giving a
wholly different version of the case in question.
But alas ! the silent reporter at the Consulate was also
at work, and the same post carried both letters — those of
the Consul with those of the Pashk — at the same time, or
rather by the same steamer, for the Consul made sure
that his dispatches should be neither tampered with nor
delayed in the transmission by employing his own mounted
kaww&s as postman to the seaport town, and by entrusting
even to him no dispatches but those that were closed up
in bags, sealed with the British arms, and addressed to
192 THE BRITISH AMBASSAPOR ACTS.
the British Consiil at the seaport, whose business it was
to examine the seals, and finding them intact, to deliver
the enclosed dispatches (which were of course all also
carefully sealed) to the postal authorities.
And the Ambassador, Lord Stratford de Kedcliffe,
was not easily wearied or baffled when in pursuit of jus-
tice and liberty for the oppressed. The substance of the
Consul's reports found their way to the Grand Vizier, or
whomsoever they most concerned ; and if the discrepan-
cies were found to be flagrant, further inquiries were in-
stituted ; and it sometimes happened that the Pashk found
out, too late, that he would have been a richer and a hap-
pier man had he only given heed at first to the few
simple words addressed to him by the Consul in private,
for the facts were indeed even as he had then told him ;
but that now there was no longer opportunity for him to
render justice.
He was removed fi:om his post — ^whether to an
inferior one elsewhere — whether to no post at all
anywhere — ^mattered not very much. The PashJt was
removed, and removal meant loss of money. All that he
had spent in fees (bribes), perhaps diuing a long course
of years, while he worked his way up to promotion, was
gone — wasted.
He had to begin again — ^to borrow afresh from
the Armenian money-dealers in Constantinople (to whom
he was already heavily in debt) — to sink fresh sums
of money — to spend weary months in attendance on his
patrons, whoever they might happen to be, and to learn
by bitter experience that he was a marked man, how-
ever gently his own Government might have let him down.
PEACEFUL REFORM CHECKED BY WAR. 193
The Pashks learned that their august master, the
Sultan, really did mean that his subjects should enjoy
tranquillity, and that the great British Elchi had means
of keeping him informed as to whether his benevolent
intentions were carried out, or whether they were frus-
trated ; and in his next post the Pashk found the sjime
machinery at work.
By the time that the Crimean War broke out, the
vigilance and industry of the British authorities had pro-
duced an appreciable effect. Not only were the repre-
sentations made by British Consuls to the Pashks found
to be strictly trustworthy as to fact, but it was foimd
altogether easier and better to obviate fiirther trouble by
attending to them promptly.
Great was . the change in the condition of all native
Christians and Jews, wherever this system was at work.
A few more years, and the non-Moslems of the East
would have grown happy and prosperous, and would
have needed neither defender nor champion, for they
would have been strong enough to take care of them-
selves.
But what would then have become of the champions ?
At any rate the war broke out. For peaceable re-
forms violent measiu'es were substituted, old fanaticisms
on both sides rekindled, milUons of money spent, tens of
thousands of lives sacrificed.
If Christians of the East were brought any nearer to
civil and religious liberty, it was in spite of the Eussian
war, and owing to the continuance of the exertions which
Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe never ceased to make for the
radical reform of the Turkish Empire. He had begun
VOL. I. 0
194 TUECO-PHELE AND RUSSOPHOBE.
this great work, and had carried it on many years before
the war. He continued it during the war, in spite of the
irritation which Bussian aggression caused.
England had spoken on the side of impartial justice,
even where the offenders were Christians ; and had shown
her sincerity by deeds, even to the extent of fighting on
the side of the Moslems. But England was known to be
• the friend and advocate of all suffering Christians, and in
those days her words had weight. All the influence Eng-
land possessed, and in those days it was aiormous, was
used in favour of liberty for all, and for the purpose of
reforming abuses.
Turco-phile and Busso-phobe are convenient phrases
freely applied of late to people who fail to perceive that
it is a Christian ^iuty to foment insurrection, or to dis-
possess Turkey by force of any part of her empire ; and
who hold that Bussia might more effectually serve the
interests of humanity and of Christianity in the East, than
in annexing, by means of sanguinary war, fresh provinces
to her vast empire.
It may be asked whether it is altogether fair to apply
these terms to people whose experience has shown them
that Eastern Christians could be emancipated by a pro-
cess more speedy, more efficacious, and less wasteful of
human life, than by insurrection and war.
Let any impartial person compare the condition of
native Christians in Palestine at the beginning of the Bus-
sian War, in 1853, with what it was twenty years before,
in 1833, and let them say honestly whether immense
progress toward emancipation had not been made.
And this was true not only of Jerusalem, Nazareth,
THE TRUE FRIEND OF EASTERN CHRISTIANS. 195
Acre, Beyroot, and all towns in Palestine, even including
Damascus ; but it was also true of other parts of the
Turkish Empire, of Smyrna, Constantinople, and Egypt.
Let any native Christian, old enough to remember the
sufferings endiured only twenty years before the Crimean
War broke out, bear witness, and he will say that in
1853 the change was already for the better, as the change
from darkness to light, or from death to life.
And yet all that change was brought about quietly
by steady persevering action on the part of people who.
were certainly not Turco-philes, unless he could be justly
called a Turco-phile who most clearly saw the iniquities
of Turkish rule as it was fifty years ago, and who rebuked
the offenders with a candour and a sternness remembered
better in Constantinople and by Eastern Christians than
in England ; while at the same time he wielded the
powerful influence within his reach, and of which not the
meanest was his own intimate knowledge of facts as dis-
tinguished from fiction, so successfiilly against abuses and
in favour of thorough radical reform, that his name will
be handed down to posterity as that of the upright
Englishman who found out where and how justice could
be had for all the subjects of the Sultan of Turkey, and
spared no pains to get it for them.
Christianity has vital force, which will and must cause
those peoples who sincerely profess the Christian faith to
grow and expand, and become strong the moment pres-
sure is removed.
The true friend is he who quietly helps to remove
pressure wherever it exists. But the storms of war are
02
196 TWENTY YEARS OF PROGRESS.
cruelly injurious— they check growth, depress the vital
powers, blight the young budding energies, lay low plants
growing up under the influences of peace, and it is a long
time before they can recover and raise their heads again.
Some talk of the sacred duty of insurrection, of the
holiness of war ; but we may be pardoned for preferring
means by which Christians may be more surely bene-
fited, and which are less likely to leave festering sores
and rankling enmities.
Surely it would have been bad poKcy in the years
between 1833 and 1853 to have fomented insurrection,
when other means could be resorted to and found sue-
cessful. It was better to promote radical reforms, by
which Christians, Moslems, and Jews would all be bene-
fited ; to spend time, energy, and self-denying labour, in
seeking and obtaining toleration and tranquillity for all.
Greater and more rapid progress might have been
made in the emancipation of Eastern Christians, if more
interest had been taken in this country in the great
work then going on in Turkey. But in those days, at
least, people knew but little of their fellow Christians in
the East, and devoted a very small proportion of their
thoughts, or time, or money, to seeking their welfare.
The apathy of English Christians was amazing to
those who lived in the East, and watched precious years,
with their opportunities for unlimited freedom of action
siifTered to slip by, unheeded and unused.
But while in this country men slumbered, others were
awake and at work, and peaceful reform was not the
object of their desires.
The Crimean war came arid it stopped with a rude
TESTIMONY OF LORD STBATFORD DE REDCLDPFE. 197
shock that work of peaceful reform. It revived and
sharpened the fanatic hatred of Christian against Mos-
lem— ^Moslem against Christian. It absorbed vast sums
of money — partly obtained by the infliction (unavoidable
no doubt, but ruinous) of war taxes on the industrious
part of the population : it checked agriculture, trade, and
commerce; hindered education and improvement.
And the Crimean war was followed by consequences
more ruinous still. — But of these we will speak by and
by.
The authority so often quoted already, Lord Stratford de
Redcliflfe, gives valuable testimony as to the resources arid vital
energies stored up in the countries which compose the Turkish
Empire : —
^ Be it remembered that the Sultan's dominions, whether we
look to climate, soil, or position, are rich beyond conception in
resources of every kind. We have only to name the countries
which are comprised within their limits, and every doubt on
this point must vanish from our minds. The wonder is, that
regions so blest with all varieties of produce, with climates so
favourable to labour, with coasts so accessible to commerce, and
with fiill experience of these advantages transmitted from age
to age, should have been brought to such degradation at a
period when other coimtries, far less happily endowed by nature,
reached so great a height of prosperity and power.
* Mesopotamia, Egypt, Syria, the vast plains of Thessaly, and
Adrianople — those in Asia, watered by the Hermus, the Maean-
der, the Cayster, the Caicus, and the productive provinces ex-
tending on both sides along the Danube from Hungary to the
sea — all these and many other districts of surpassing fertility
are only waiting for the long-expected signal to enter upon a
new career of industry, wealth, and glory. Let the doors be
thrown open to the arts, the science, the capital of Europe ; let
the emulation of the natives be encouraged, and their fortunes
198 TESTIMONY OP LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFPE.
stifficiently protected ; let the reforms to which the Imperial
Grovermnent is pledged, be put into a regular course of execu-
tion, and the most satis&ctory results will be sure to follow.
Even as it is, the Porte's revenue has increased by a fourth
since the Crimean war, and the financial embarrassments which
have accompanied that progress may be fairly attributed to
extravagance, to corruption and mismanagement, or to the cost
of putting down disturbances engendered by a vicious course of
administration.
^ The reforms which are here recomi^ended must be viewed
as a whole in order to be fully appreciated. They are com-
prehensive in- principle and also in application. They are by
no means limited to the Christian subjects of the Porte. They
are calculated to promote the welfare of all classes, whatever
may be the separate creed of each. The Imperial proclamation
in which the new concessions are embodied, together with the
earliest, is a real charter of franchises, the Magna Charta in a
broader sense than ours, of the Turkish Empire. Honour to
Sultan Abdul Mejid, who gave it, and to Eeschid Pasha, with
whom its leading idea originated. The various provisions it
contains may be severally classed under the following heads T —
I. Confirmation of beneficial ordinances already proclaimed.
II. Extension of previous c6ncessions.
III. Removal of existing abuses.
IV. Seciurities for the observance of new measures.
V. Improvement of a material kind.
* The field, it must be allowed, is a wide one, and sm-ely in its
compartments there is no want either of liberality or of appa-
rent sincerity. A system of reform which aims at the removal
of all abuses, the perpetuation of all franchises, the fusion of all
classes, the development of all resources, the entire liberty of
public worship and of private conscience in religious matters,
the extension and security of civil rights, and an enlarged inter-
course with foreigners, can hardly fail to engage our sympathy,
and, considering the diflBculties which surround it in a country
like Turkey, to command our admiration and hearty concur-
rence. We boast too much of the spirit of our age to be
TESTIMONY OF LORD STRATPOM) BE REDCLIFPE. 199
indiflferent to one of its greatest and least expected achieve-
ments. Our free institutions, our Protestant faith, our com-
mercial enterprise, our skill in manufactures, all these sources
of our national greatness are deeply interested in the triumph of
such principles over bigotry, ignorance, and corruption in one
of their strongest and most extensive holds.' '
• ^ Lord Stratford de Kedcliffe in * Nineteenth Century/ p. 735.
200
CHAPTER Vm.
GENERAL MOSLEM POPULATION OF PALESTINE.
Improved condition of the Ohnatiana — Moslem pilgrimages to Jerusalem —
Hharamresh'Shereefi-^* l^ohle Sanctuary' jealously closed against Non-
Moslems — Murder of a Moslem at prayer in the Sanctuary — Nabloos
fanaticism — Death to Apostates — Various kinds of Moslems — Fdlahheen
' Peasantry '—Selladeen ' Town Arabs '-—Their dislike of Turks— Pea-
sant or Fellahheen — Oode of Law — ^Thar, or ' blood revenge ' — Influence
of Village clan Sheikhs — Turkish yoke not heavy — * Balance of power ' —
'Divide et impera' — Turkish system of self-government — Its disadvan-
tages— ^Reforms.
Having sketched out the condition of the various com-
munities in . the City of Jerusalem, let us now take a
general survey of the state of the Moslem population of
Palestine, before and at the commencement of the Rus-
sian War ; of their attitude towards Christians, of their
own condition, and of their relations with the Turkish
Government.
It will be borne in mind that these Moslems form the
bulk of the population, and include the dominant class of
Arabs and Syrians in the towns (' beUadeen '), a very large
majority of the peasantry {'fellahheen '), and all the wild
desert Arabs (* bedaween '). All these three classes are
Moslems (Mohammedans), at least in name and (some
measure of) outward observance.
The rest of the inhabitants are Christians, and in cer-
tain towns Jews are to be found — and some Samaritans
in Nabloos — ^Druses in the Lebanon, &c.
IMPROVED CONDITION OF THE CHRISTIANS. 201
A great change had, as has been akeady stated, passed
over the land, as well as over Jerusalem, with respect to
toleration of reUgion in the existing generation, not only
caused by the Hatti-Shereef of Gulhdneh in 1838, but
also by the surviving effects of previous Egyptian do-
minion between 1832 and 1840, which had swept away
much of the bigotry and tyranny of former ages.
There had even been, since 1845, a profession of
cquahty for all religions in the administration of local
government, and certainly less of injiury and insult from the
Moslem populace to the Christians. Their functionaries
were no longer endured as intruders into Christian houses
for food, lodging, and money, remaining there till their
demands were satisfied. Christian women were not now
dishonoured with impunity of the offenders. ' Avanias,'
or levies of money, at any irregular time or place, with-
out reason assigned, were no more suffered. Christians
were not now pushed into the gutters of the streets by
every Moslem taking up the best part of the pavement,
and with a scowl crying out, * Shemmel-ni ya kelb ' (turn
to my left, thou dog) ; neither were Christians debarred
from riding horses or wearing cheerful colours.*
' Afi specimeoB of old times, see Journal of Rev. P. Fisk who was in
Jerusalem in 1823. He was seated with two friends on the Mount of Olives,
and while singing a hymn, an armed Moslem came up and commanded them
to he silent, threatening Mr. Fisk to strike him with his gun.
The same day (it seems) the President of the Greek Convent of Mar
Elias was bastinadoed to a fearful extent, under the idea that he could bo
made to discover hidden treasure. And some of the villages around
having refused to pay the excessive and arbitrary taxation laid upon them,
the soldiers caught hold of an infirm old peasant of the Christian village of
Bait Jala, shot him, cut off his head, and stuck it up inside the Jaffii gate of
Jerusalem, where it was pelted and spit upon by boys of the streets for three
days. Christians pas.sing by were melted into teai-s, but dared not give ex-
preesion to their feelings.
202 EXCITEMENT CAUSED BY THE WAR.
Legal commentary-books of the detestable old bigotry
were indeed still in existence, and even acted upon in
small or remote places, but it was at length known by
experience that in towns where European Consuls had
cognizance, reports might be made to higher stations still,
and then not merely written rebukes for illegal acts, but
displacement firom office could be obtained from Constan-
tinople.
Christians had felt in 1852 much more secure in life
and goods than their fathers had been, yet the actual
generation, even when elected to be members of the
Civic Council, dared not venture so far in acting upon
their privileges as to refuse giving their seals to noto-
riously felse documents. They took their places humbly
in the lowest part of the Div^n, thankful for the compara-
tive honours they enjoyed.
Not only the laws, but the known and expressed wishes
of the Supreme Government were in favour of Christians.
Had there been no disturbing influences, the Christians
might now have been considered to enjoy a fair measure
of tranquillity, at least in the towns where Europeans re-
sided, and imposed some check by their presence upon
the old Moslem insolence and fanaticism ; but the ferment
of the rumours of war induced a dangerous feverishness
over the country.
The Eussians were regarded as protectors and cham-
pions of Eastern Christianity — hence the ignorant Mos-
lems, and these were by no means confined to the poorer
classes, even in Jerusalem, considered the war now immi-
nent as a Holy war, in which Islfi,m was to be ranged
against Christianity. Among such every Moslem was to
CHRISTIAN FEARS. MOSLEM BLUSTER. 203
consider as his enemy every native Christian, or at least
all those who had any relations with Russia (Greeks,
and even Armenians).
The timorous and panic-stricken Christians helped
forward this idea by the very excess of their fears. They
had not the sense to conceal their dread of a probable
approaching massacre, in which scenes of horror and
bloodshed were to be enacted, such as their fathers had
endured in consequence of the war of Greek indepen-
dence about thirty years before.
The condition of these poor people was distressing :
neither reason nor argument made any impression upon
them. Fear had been sucked in with their mothers'
milk, in days gone by, and now it overpowered them.
If this was the case in Jerusalem, where the Con-
vents, and Patriarchs, and Consuls, were ready protectors,
it was tenfold worse in all distant towns and villages.
There incidents occurred which would have been simply
ludicrous but for the intolerance backed by power on one
side, and abject alarm on the other, which they revealed.
At Easter, the Mufti of Gaza threw the handfxd of
Christians of that town into a panic, by issuing a legal
decision, or Fetwah, that it was against the interests of the
religion of Isl&m for the Christians to carry palm-branches
in their church on Palm Sunday, as they had always
done. When this became known in Jerusalem, people
laughed at him and at the frightened Christians of the
place.
Yet, in Jerusalem also, there was serious alarm lest
a collision should occur between the crowds of Greek
pilgrims assembled for Easter — ^sturdy, well-armed fel-
204 EASTER CROWDS. PILGRIMS AND DERVISHES.
lows, some of whom had been Eussian soldiers, and the
Moslem pilgrims to Nebi-Moosa, who poured into the city
in imusual numbers from the Nabloos district. The Na-
bloosians are noted for brutality and fanaticism.
Happily the Latin Easter was earlier this year, but the
multitude of Greeks, Armenians, Syrians, Copts, and
Abyssinians (who all follow the Eastern Calendar) was
immense, and the hum, the bustle and noise that came
through open windows from the thronged bazaars, kept
one constantly on the alert.
Through these filled streets and bazaars the Moslem
pilgrims forced their way, in processions headed by men
carrying gaudy green and red banners, beating large
drums, and by wandering dervishes who performed in-
cantations, with serpent charming, and sword jugglery.
On Easter eve, the time of the holy fire, some of these
bands tried to create a disturbance among the Christian
pilgrims, but the Pashk, having timely notice, sent out
infantry and cleared the streets.^
The Turkish authorities had good cause for thankful-
^ The number of Greek pilgrims who went, according to customi on the
Monday after Palm Sunday to bathe in the Jordan, exceeded the usual
number. The ceremonies passed off quietly, however, and so did also the
washing of feet, performed in full pontifical splendour by the Greek Metro-
politan Bishop (in absence of the Patriarch), in the open square before the
Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and by the Armenian Patriarch in his own
Cathedral Church of St. James.
The Moslem pilgrimage always takes place at about Easter time, having
been probably arranged as a counterbalance to the great influx of Christians
at that period. Mohammedans from all parts of Asia and from Afiica
attend, and this year great numbers poured into Jerusalem, especially from
the fanatical district of Nabloos. The Moslem authorities assigned for
reason the unusual number of vows of thanksgiving to be paid for the recent
blessing of unexpected rain after drought. But it is more likely that this
was contrived by those who desired an outbreak against Christians on
account of the present attitude of political affairs at Constantinople*
i
til
0
»>
z
J iM THE TEMPLE SITE OR NOBLE SANCTUARY. 205
jj.^ ness when the pilgrims of both kinds departed home and
left Jerusalem to its ordinary condition; but still the
uneasy feeling of danger continued to possess the resident
Christians, and the Moslems were unusually defiant and
blustering.
In Palestine, besides the usual mosques, there were
two places of especial fanaticism reserved : —
1. The Hharam of Jerusalem, site of the ancient
Temple of Israel, called the * noble sanctuary,* and by
Europeans incorrectly the Mosque of 'Omar.
2. The Hharam of Hebron, which is Machpelah.
From access to these all but Mohammedans were ex-
cluded, and the former was guarded by a police of fero-
cious Africans called Takami (plural of Takroori), a
people from Darfoor.
Who has not heard of the former impossibility of
getting access to the Mosque of 'Omar, and what traveller
to Jerusalem of that or earher periods has not gazed with
wistful eyes at a distance, either from Olivet, or from the
roof of the barracks when admitted there by special
favour, upon those sacred precincts, which of old con-
tained the one temple of the one God, and where pro-
phets, priests, kings, apostles, and the Saviour himself,
have certainly walked : now presenting so Oriental an
appearance, a spacious area with green grass, olive and
cypress trees, around an edifice of remarkable beauty ?
Many mistakes, and consequent insults or injuries,
having arisen from strangers imagining that place to be
one of public promenade, as they peered through the
open gateways, it became necessary to represent these
instances to the Embassy. Our people were sometimes
206 A MOSLEM KILLED IN THE SANCTUARY.
beaten by the Africans with clubs and pelted with stones
when approaching in that direction, or merely passing at
some distance within view of the gates.
At ope time I entreated the Pashk to obviate these
inconveniences, either by putting up bars across the open
passages, or by placing sentinels from the adjacent bar-
racks, or even by posting up inscriptions in two or three
European languages, for warning off the strangers ; but
nothing was done.
The following incident of July, 1851, will show what
sort of occurrences were to be apprehended. A Moslem
in Nizftm (military) uniform was praying within the
Hharam enclosure, with a book before him, and accord-
ing to proper ritual, his shoes off, and his unbuckled
sword laid by his side, when one of the old school of
devotees came up, and accusing him of being a Christian,
' bade him repeat the Confession of Faith. This he did,
but in a manner more deliberate than is usual with Mos-
lems of the country, on which the other snatched up the
sword, and cut him deeply across the face.
The man died of the wound the next day.
Now, it may have been that the victim was not a bom
Moslem, but a renegade serving in the Turkish army, and
therefore not yet versed in traditionary observances pre-
scribed for prayer ; or he may have been a born Moslem
from some distant land, not sufficiently familiar with the
Arabic language to be able to recite the formulated
verses without a book.
No enquiry was made on the subject, but the event
showed the peril of any non-Moslem entering within the
Hharam-esh-Shereef of Jerusalem. I never heard of any
<•>
MOSLEM BIGOTRY IN NABLOOS AND SAMARIA. 207
punishment reaching the religious murderer. The crime
had not even the specious excuse of being an infliction
\yy the appointed police.
The town of Nabloos (Shechem) has been cpnynonly
held in bad repute for its intolerance of Christianity.
Very few Christians resided there, but they had constant
reason to complain of gross injustice on the part of the
Icx^al authorities. European travellers, too, were hooted
through the streets ; the men kept themselves from de-
tection, but their children were taught to run along the
flat roofe of the houses, singing disgusting rhymes to a
Bimple air, and as these juvenile offenders could not be
got at, the men in the streets or bazaars, in reply to
remonstrances, merely shrugged their shoulders and said
that the children were ill-behaved. Happily few of the
travellers understood what was going on, and the poor
creatures representing policy acted as well as they could
under the lax rule of the period.
In the village of Sebustieh, occupying part of the
ground of the ancient metropolis Samaria, less than two
hours from Nabloos, the people have even a worse
character, and are distinguishable by a vile scowling
demeanoiu* towards Europeans. On one occasion I was
with a friend surveying the remarkable antiquities of the
place, when some lazy fellows, lying on the ground,
bawled out to the muleteers, undeterred by the armed
kawwases in attendance, ' Where did you pick up that
lot?'
They were doubtless ignorant of any political connec-
tion between our Gk)vernment and the Turkish— in fact,
cqiiaUy indifferent to both nations; and as we passed
208 A FANATIC VILLAGE SHAIKH.
along Herod's long colonnade, a troop of their children
piuflued us sin^ng in chorus : —
Our festival is that of the Prophet,
Your festiyal is that of the Deyil.
It was at the beginning of RamadS,n, to which, of course,
their allusion was made, and there was no governor to
apply to nearer than Nabloos. However, we were too
strong a party for the men to attack.
About the same time the Shaikh of a village named
Tarsheehhah, near Acre, conceived this a favourable op-
portunity for reviving the failing spirit of what were to
him * the good old times,* and under the profession of
certain ultra doctrines gathered from among the MetS,wila
sect, he collected disciples to follow in his train from vil-
lage to village, distinguished by a particular mode of
wearing the turban, and all carrying long staves shod
with iron, which they thumped upon the ground while
vociferating the Confession of Faith — ' There is no God
but Allah, and Mohammed is the Apostle of God I '
These coarse and ignorant enthusiasts claimed to be
revivalists of primitive dogma, and even sent missionary
{igents into large towns, where converts were made by
them ; but in neither town nor country did they produce
much effect for evil, for the civil power was everywhere
r.gainst them, and in the villages they were unwelcome
on account of their boisterous demands for hospitality.
In Jerusalem some men of the best families took to the
Tarsheehhah turban and iron-shod staves, but these were
believed, how truly I cannot tell, to be indoctrinated
\vith the Pantheism of the Soofis.
Could these people have witnessed or believed from
SALUTATIONS TO CHRISTIANS. 209
others the true state of Constantinople at the same time
or soon afterwards, when it lay almost trodden down by
unbelieving armies, and the mosque of St. Sophia opened
to foreigners with their shoes on ; or still more, could they
have witnessed the change of manners produced by the
so-called civilisation there within the palace itself, they
would have been ready to anathematise the ' Commander
of the Faithful ' and all his Div&n — ^what mischief they
might have perpetrated imder such circumstances in Syria,
away from the stirring scenes of war !
We were surprised to find that at the same period
the peasantry even in the district about, and to the south
of Nabloos, understanding better than before the real
condition of our alliance with their rulers, adopted the
practice of saluting us Europeans on the highways with
the greeting of ' Sal&m 'aleikom ' (peace be upon you !)
which had always been strictly reserved for Mohamme-
dans only ; and the KS,di of Caifa declared to me that the
reservation was merely a matter of custom, and not the
result of any law or tradition, appealing to his friends
around him for confirmation. It is, however, most pro-
bable that this was but a flattering untruth, adapted to
time and circumstance.^
Old 'Abd el Wahh'd, the Mdi of Nabloos, always
saluted me thus in pubhc, and sometimes would even
recite the Lord's prayer, as he had learned it from our
^ This Moslem exclusion of Christians from tHe benefits of Salam, which
belongs to the world to come as well as to this world, preydils in most
Mohammedan countries ; but I am told that in India that sfdutation is freely
giyen to the English, partly because we are masters of the country, and
partly because amid the vast nations of idolaters they look upon us almost as
co-religionifita.
VOL. I. F
210 FEELING ABOUT EUROPEANS,
Protestant Prayer-book (i.e. our English liturgy), and say
it was very good.
The mass of the population, however, being extremely
ignorant, were but little influenced by the convenient
hberality of Turkish and other officials, and the above
salutation gradually fell into disuse, disappearing with
the war itself.
It is, however, worth remarking that, according to
my experience, the intolerance of the old school was
directed in our era rather against Europeanism than
against the Christian religion, though the Turks gave
some impulse in the Uberal direction, which obtained
mostly in towns: the knowledge had been brought home
to the minds of all but very remote peasantry that destiny
had probably given over to the Europeans an invincibility
in military as in other science, against which it was hope-
less to contend ; and all that could be done was what every
faithful Moslem was sure it was his duty to do, according
to his means, to impede the advance of the coming evil
in all its stages^-only in the actual state of affairs to re-
member that we were active allies with themselves.
Once in a secluded vaUey, not in a town, a p^iiant
lad pointed at our party with one finger, meaning *J0
attest the unity * of God, as he repeated the few words
of the last chapter of the Korftn,^ but this was likely to
be more out of superstitious fear than from hatred.
In the mental difficulty which occupied the old-school
Moslems under the circumstances, such persons would
^ [En Nas] ' Say ye, I take refuge in the Lord of mankind, the King of
mankind, the God of mankind, from the miflchief of the suggestions of the
Evil one; who suggests into the hreasts of men, from both Jinne and men«'
«
i
DEATH TO APOSTATES. 211
sometimes make an effort to be tolerant by quoting the
' Hadith,' or traditional saying of Mohammed, that there
are seventy-two religious sects in the world, but the
Prophet had not told which was the half one ; soma
thought it was that of the Druzes, some the Gypsies,
some the Ansarlyeh ; but he could not have meant the
Christians, for they axe included imder the denomination
of * Ehel el Kitdb,' i.e. believers in books of Divine reve-
lation— these books being understood to be the Law of
Moses, the Book of Psalms, and the New Testament, this
latter being known by the single word, * the Gospel.'
One special point must not be passed over — ^the old-
fashioned belief that the Moslem law peremptorily ordains
the penalty of death for the crime of apostacy from their
religion. This had been literally executed in Constanti-
nople and Broosa not long before, even in the case of
persons who had been originally Christian, but had de-
serted the Mohammedan faith after once professing it.
The indignant outcry of Christendom, however, ex-
pressed chiefly through our Embassy at Constantinople,
insisted on a renunciation of this practice in 1845 ; but it
was difficult to instil this novel form of toleration within
^ttie distant provinces.
Some years before the time we have arrived at, a
case was secretly mentioned to me of a Christian (ori-
ginally) abandoning the creed of Isl&m ; our Anglican
bishop advised .that the man should retire to India for
personal safety in making his abjuration; my idea was
that he would be equally free to act according to his con-
science in Malta, but I do not know what was eventually
done for him,
p3
212 VARIOUS KINDS OF MOSLEMS.
About 1850 I had protected a man and his son for
a considerable time within the Consular premises, who
were in danger on the same account ; finally these left us
for Jaffa, and I believe for Constantinople.
The question still remained undecided as regarded a
bom Moslem accepting Christianity.
We have had occasion in the course of this history to
mention the Moslems as distinguished from the Christians
in Turkey. But it must be remembered that the Moslems
with whom we had to do were of very diverse nationali-
ties, sects, and characteristics.
It is laughable— or rather it would be laughable if
there were no evil consequences arising from the igno-
rance betrayed — ^to hear people mix up the good and
bad points in the Moslem religion with the good and
the bad qualities of those who profess that religion — ^for-
getting the immense diversity of nations classed together
under the wide term Mohammedans.
What can be more various, or even opposite, than
the characteristics of the Arabs, the Turks, the Hindoos,
Afghans, Tartars, Persians, Moors, Negroes, African^ of
many races, Syrians, Bedaween, Bulgarians, Bosnians, jft
Circassians ?
Yet all these are Moslems. They have in common
the good and the evil engendered by the religion of
Isl&m. They have in distinction and contrast to each
other strongly marked national characteristics — ^little if
at all modified by their common religion.
And yet people judge of Mohammedanism by the
particular race or nation of Moslems (Arab, Turk, Indian,
or Persian), or of whom they know most, or mce versd —
TURKS, MOORS, ARABS. 213
they judge of Arab Moslems and measure them by what
experience they may have of Turkish Moslems or Ne-
groes, Hindoos, or other nations !
As well might they estimate Christianity exclusively
by the particular aspect which it presents in Italy or in
Holland, or Moscow ; or form their ideas about the Irish
by what they know of Germans — of the Spaniards by
their acquaintance with Icelanders or Poles — ^for are not
all these Christians ?
A chief cause of the confusion in European ideas
arises from the fact that various nations take different
specimens as the type of Mohammedanism and judge by
them.
In Central Europe, Bussia, and Greece, ' the Turks,'
* die Tiirken,' is a phrase synonymous (though incorrectly
so) with ' the Moslems/
In Spain and Italy the Moors and Arabs represented
Mohammedanism. To this day the Sephardi Jews, whose
ancestors were driven from Spain in the fifteenth century,
and who have Uved ever since in Palestine, have no other
name for aU their Moslem neighbours than * los Moros.'
To the mind of the Anglo-Indian a totally different
type of Moslem presents itself, and the French again are
chiefly familiar with Egyptian and Algerine varieties.
Yet all believe themselves to be well acquainted with
Moslems and their rehgion, while judging by national
characteristics often opposed to those of every other
Moslem people than the one they happen to know. The
religion of Isl4m, as it was in its Arabian origin set forth
in the Korftn, may be no doubt comprehended by stu-
dents who have never seen a Mohammedan in their Uvea.
Sl4 SUMJEES, SHlAflS, t^LLA HTffiEN.
But in order to deal fairly and successfully with Mos-
lems, account must be taken of the modifications through
which their religion has passed in various countries and
among different people, and allowance must be made for
great and even contradictory varieties of national cha-
racter.
In Palestine we had to deal with three principal types
— ^the pure Arabs, the Syrian races on whom Islam had
been imposed by conquest, and the Turks now dominant
as conquerors and rulers over both.
But we had also foreigners — Turkom&ns, Kurds, In-
dians, Afghans, Tartars, Egyptians, and Africans, more or
less in daily intercourse with us.
These all were of the Sunnee or orthodox sect.
The Shiahs were represented among us by Persian
pilgrims and by the whole population in the Metdwilah
district of the Bel&d Bashftra.
To have confounded these together, or to have treated
them all alike, must have led to perhaps even fatal con-
sequences.
The so-called Arab Moslem settled population of
Palestine is separable into two classes : first, the mere
(almost brutal) peasantry, the FeUahheen — and, secondly,
those somewhat more civilised, the inhabitants of towns,
the Belladem.
The first, who form the bulk of the population, have
been indiscriminately called Arabs by Europeans, without
any consideration as to whether they come irom Arabia
or not. They do not call themselves so, but simply
FeUahheen (i.e. tillers of the soil, ploughmen).
The second, the Belladem^ or dwellers in towns, are
BELLADEEN. OTTOMAN OALIPIL 215
a mixed race of various origins, but there are among
them families entitled to the name Arab, their ancestors
having been immigrants from Arabia at the time of the
Mohammedan conquest. This class forms but a small
proportion of the population ; but these people are proud
of their descent : they know, even the ignorant among
them, something of their system of religion, and look
back to its Arabian source.
They are on this very account unable to comprehend
how a Sultan of Turks, an alien race coming from Tar-
tary, can rightly be regarded as Cahph (successor) of
Mohammed the Koreish Arab, or exercise the power of
appointing or displacing the Shereef of Mecca.
Among other modes of expressing their dislike of
Ottoman pretensions to the Caliphate was the bitter way
of their pronouncing the Sultan's title of *Kh&n,' as
though it were an epithet derived from the Arabic
' Khana ' (to betray or cheat). I have heard them, with
strange amount of emphasis, speak of * Abdul Mejeed el
Khain ' (the betrayer of trust).^
These Arabs, as they consider themselves, detest and
hate the Turks with an ancient hatred which goes back
to the period of the Ottoman conquest of ^Arabist&n.'
The enmity and jealousy are due to difference of race
and traditional remembrance of conquest.
But loyalty to Isl&m is a powerful and pervading
principle which keeps in check every other feehng. The
Sultan is de facto CaUph to the learned Arabs ; he is also
^ In the opinion of this class of the people the modem reforms and
liberal measures were a flagrant departure from the pure Moslem laws of
the Koran.
216 THE LAW or ABRAHAM.
Caliph de jure. As a matter of religioua obedience they
acknowledge and obey him.
The former, the peasants (Fellahkeen), are nominally
Mohammedans by inheritance, knowing no other religion,
but are igDorant to the last d^ree of all but a few externals
of worship. These are as mudi a conquered race as the
Christians are, and like them loathe the bad government
and the sensual vices of their rulers.
^ They visit the towns as little aa possible, and appeal as
little as possible to Turkish courts of law, for they have
among themselves an ancient traditional code of oral law,
which th^ designate ' the law of Abraham,' thus dis-
tinguished fix)m the more modern code of the KorAn.
This body of jurisprudence is ample enough for their
simple wants, and is usually administered by their Elders
(Shaikhs), not necessarily, however, those of their own
locality, for the cases may be referred to men of honest
repute and wisdom at a distance, whom they style ' good
men of God ' (Ajaw&d Allah), and to such the parties are
at liberty to appeal even after judgment given at home.
This oral law is more elaborate than we might suspect
to be needed, with just and fair provisions to the advan-
tage of the defendants. It may be paralleled by the
Maori law, and the Brehon law of other countries, prac-
tically resorted to by indigenous tribes after their subju-
gation by a stronger race.
The yoke of subjection to Turkey did not press
1 heavily upon the village population. There was plenty
\ of bribery, corruption, neglect ; there was httle of active
\ tyranny, or of the grinding despotism which made m^n
pity the unfortunate peasantry of E^pt.
CONDITION OP TfflS PEASAJ^TRY. 2l7
The Fellahheen of Palestine were, on the contrary,
suJBTeted to govern themselves pretty much as they liked.
Taxation did not press upon them, even with all the ex-
actions and impositions of the tax-farmers, who were
often Christians. Their lands were fertile, and for the
most part yielded abundantly. The peasantry were gene-
rally pretty well off, and a good many among them
amassed money. Their loyalty to the Sultan was un-
shaken.
The Pashks were mostly weak and venal — even rapa-
cious ; but the days of cruel tyranny, such as that of
'Abdallah Pashk of Acre, were past and gone. The
Pashks were but little felt — seen still less, for during
their year's tenure of oflGice they rarely went beyond the
walls of Jerusalem.
The miseries of forced conscription for the army were
in those days unknown in Palestine : and on the whole,
the peasantry felt that if their Government did but little
or nothing for them, they, on the other hand, had httle or
nothing to suffer from the rigours of the rule under which
they lived. If the Bashi-bazuks now and then lived at
free quarters, and carried off whatever they could lay
hands on, the regular troops lay quietly in garrison, and
never troubled the villagers at all.
Prom within there was nothing to endanger the safety
of Turkish dominion in Palestine. Left to themselves,
the Peasant factions and the Bedawy tribes, the Dnizes
and the Maronites, might and did fight each other ; but
of any insurrection against their lord the Sultan there
was not the slightest danger.
Local dissensions and hostilities might be fomented
218 LOYALTY TO THE SULTAN.
by intrigue from without; fanatical intolerance and
hatred might be wrought up to a pitch of fury, but
even this must have been a work of time in all but the
large cities — such as Damascus, Nabloos, or Gaza.
Had any rehgious insurrection against the Christians
been begun in the cities, a hope of plunder would doubt-
less soon have brought in peasants and wild Arabs to
take their part ; but of rebelUon against the Sultan and
his Government there was no idea whatever.^
^ Loyalty to the Sultan prevails throughout the Turkish Empire. Lord
Stratford de Kedclifie gives important testimony on that point : —
'Respect for the Sultan, consideration even for his weaknesses, sub-
mission to his authority, nay, to his pleasure, are still universal among the
Mussulman population. Yrom time to time, and not unfrequently, there are
disturbances, now in this, now in that province, but they arise nearly always
from local causes, and are confined within narrow limits. Excesses may be
committed by some body of insurgents ; the magbtrates may be overpowered ;
individuals may suffer, and the inmiediate object of aversion may be swept
away. But after a time the Sultan s authority is sure to ride over all
obstacles, and to restore the public peace with more or less severity, and
some feeble show of reparation. The army, inadequate as it is to the wants
of the Empu^, ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-paid, thinned by firequent marches
over miserable roads, and having no reason to rely upon its officers, rarely, if
ever, fails to perform its duty. Discipline, though imperfect, gives it a con-
stant advantage over the rude extempore levies opposed to its arms.' (Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe, * Nineteenth Century,' p. 733.)
' Much belongs to the personal qualities of the Sultan, or of the principal
depositary of his power. The nature of the government and the character
of the people make it so. Mahomet, the conqueror of Constantinople, and
his immediate successors are brilliant illustrations of the fact. Mahmoud,
the present Sultan's father, ruled with power, and commanded general respect
notwithstanding his losses, his reforms, his sanguinary executions, and the
vile debaucheries which closed his life. Ilis eldest son and successor,
'Abdul Mejid, fell into contempt through want of resolution and energy,
although his reign, unsullied by any measures of injustice or cruelty, was
marked, on the contrary, by a course of policy successful, on the whole, both
at home and abroad. His &ilings were those of a gentle and generous dis-
position, unsustained by that vigour of mind and body which the difficulties
of his perilous station required. If, as there is room to hope, his younger
brother, 'Abdu'l Aziz (who was reigning when this was written), the reign-
ing Emperor, should carry out the reforms and improvomeuts adopted by
\
THE JBALANOE OF JPOWEiEt. 219
In spite of the most serious defects and hindrances,
the Ottoman Government held its own. The Turks in
past times had maintained their rule in Palestine, as else-
where, by steady adherence to the policy of using one
interest or set of interests to counterbalance others. In
the art of doing this they are still unrivalled. When two
chiefs, or tribes, or provinces, were too nearly equal in
strength, and had therefore become troublesome, they
were set to fighting each other till one obtained the upper
hand.
Both were weakened in the process, and ambiguities
were ended by the results. Thereafter one could be
held responsible for whatever might occur. Should that
one, be it chief, tribe, or province, become too powerful
— the ancient rivalry had probably not been so utterly
extinguished that it could not be revived and used for
abating the pride and strength of the opposite side,, now
grown too great to be easily kept in subjection.
And the same principle was applied in a thousand
various ways. 'The balance of power' is no empty
phrase in Turkish politics, whether local and on a small
scale, or in the larger concerns of churches and of
kingdoms.
People often wondered and asked how Turkey could
govern Palestine, and hold in check so many conflicting
interests, and so independent and even turbulent a popu-
lation, by means of a single battalion or two of regular
troops, who were rarely seen beyond the walls of the
Abdul-Mejid with the energy displayed by Mahmoud, Turk and Christian,
the Empire and its allies, would have reason to rejoice.* (L jrd Stratford de
Bedcliffe in 'Nineteenth Century/ p. 734.)
220 DIVIDE ET mPERA.'
garrison towns, and who could only be made to act by
means of orders obtained from the Commander-in-Chief
at Damascus, many days' journey oflf ?
Besides these few troops, the visible government only
consisted, as has been stated, of a Turkish Pashk (changed
every year) at Jerusalem, at Acre, and at Beyroot ; of
a Turkish k&di, or judge, in each principal town ; and of
a few troops of irregular horse or Bashi-bozuk.
And yet the answer is simple. The plan was to
govern the country through the local factions and by
means of the local or native chiefs, civil and religious.
Every tribe, and clan, and village, had its ruling Shaikhs
or Elders ; these were confirmed in office under the
Turkish Pashk for the time being, and continued their
administration of local affairs as heretofore, according to
the local and native codes, subject only to appeal to
the city courts and Turkish authorities ; and these courts
very rarely ventiured to contravene the codes of law in
use among the peasantry, which are extremely ancient,
though unwritten.
In thus governing the country, the Turks only do
what eastern rulers had done before them from time im-
memorial— ^indeed, we may go back to the days of the
Eomans, Syrians, Greeks, Persians, and Nebuchadnezzar
himself, and find that Palestine was governed in a pre-
cisely similar fashion by them all. ' Divide et impera ' is
an ancient motto.
The system of local self-government has this great
merit, that it is a cheap one, costing but httle in men,
money, or appliances of office; that it is elastic, and
adapts itself to all the various races and religions under
I
SYSTEM OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. 221
the supreme rule, and leaves them all in the enjoyment
of their various customs and observances, without being
harassed by successive changes, as the conquerors and
rulers change.
Centrahsation was unknown ; each community lived
apart and independent, provided only that lawful taxes
and illegal exactions were paid when demanded.
The religious communities which were not governed
by the KorAn, i.e. those of all the various Christian
Churches — and the Jews, valued the freedom and im-
munity from annoyance in administering their own affairs
which this system gave them.
Each ruling Patriarch, Bishop, or Chief Babbi, after
having been confirmed in office by the Turkish Govern-
ment, was henceforth regarded as the responsible head
of his people, in civil as well as in religious matters.
He was held answerable for their good conduct, for ^
the payment of their taxes, for their crimes real or ^
alleged (until the reforms granted by Sultan Abdu'l Mejid
gave him personal immunity for all but his own personal
offences, he was actually liable to punishment, imprison-
ment, fine, or death, on behalf of his people). In return,
and to save trouble, and endless disputes as to religious
technicalities or difficulties, he was allowed to exercise
almost despotic authority over his people in all matters,
civil and religious.
True, the individual members of any Church or com-
munity had always the power and right of appeal to the
Pashk, or to the Kftdi as judge of Kor&n law, but this was
very seldom resorted to.
/ People preferred to be under the jurisdiction of
ly"
I
222 RELIGIOUS TOLERATION.
their own head, to bringing the interference of a Moslem
authority into their affairs ; and there was this further
consideration, that the Pashk or K&di might, while pro-
fessing to do justice, seize the opportunity for extorting
money from both the accuser and the accused, if not from
the whole community to which they belonged. It was
generally wiser and safer to suffer wrong, than to cany a
cause to the unbehever for trial and redress.
It was commonly said by those who lived in Palestine,
that under the Turks there was liberty of religion ; but
that if Eussia or the Pope ever came to have rule in
Palestine there would be none.
^ All creeds were tolerated alike — ^Latins as well as
Greeks, Jews as well as Christians, Druzes and Heathen,
with Protestant missionaries who were allowed to exercise
their office freely among them all, without let or hin-
drance, save when some Pashk, or K&di, or other official,
was bribed by the opposite sect or religious party to
impede the movements of their opponents, or to aid in
their intolerance of any proselytism among their own
particular flock or body of believers.
Imprisonment, or fine, or persecution, was not re-
sorted to by the Turkish officials ki religious matters,
save when instigated by some one more zealous than they.
Of course we are not now speaking oi^ases of con-
version from Mohammedanism to Christianity, which
were then scarcely ever known to occur. Theite were in
the days when steam communication was barel^kpown ;
when telegraphs did not exist ; when Constantinomt was
very far off, and when it took even a Pashk many \\\ks
to reach the capital.
EDICTS OF EEPORM. 223
Abuses of course were possible, and did exist. The
Shaikhs and Chiefs, and the Eeligious Eulers, could and )u
did tyrannise over their people, some more and some less.
There was naturally a great deal of religious intolerance.'^
The Chief Kabbi or Patriarch could imprison, fine, punish
with bastinado, any wanderer from the fold.
This, religious intolerance it was which, being in-
creasingly practised by the religious rulers of the different
creeds, at last gradually broke down the system, by
rendering appeal to the Supreme Government necessary
for protection in cases of conversion from one creed to
another.
Eeligious hberty was obtained chiefly through Lord
Stratford de Eedcliffe, who, by representing to the Otto- -
man Government the persecutions, contrary to law, which
had become common under the system now described,
gradually obtained for all religions and classes aUke —
Moslem, Jew, and Christian — the successive edicts of
toleration and reform which were known as the Hatti-
Shereef of Gul Hane in 1838; the Tanzim&t Hairlyeh,
1841 ; and Hatti-Humayoon in 1856.
Strange to say, the religious persecutors of whom
foreign missionaries had most occasion to complain were
the Christians, who, in order to stifle progress, or hinder
proselytism, did not hesitate to invoke the aid of the
Moslem authorities in annoying and even maltreating mis-
sionaries and insubordinate members of their own flock.
Appeal to the supreme authority, and to the princi-
ples of justice on which the Turkish laws were based,
became inevitable. Lord Stratford de Eedclifle it was
who gave effect to these appeals, and obtained the pro-
224 THE MOSLEM THEORT.
mulgation of tte edicts of toleration, whereby the tyrann;
of local authorities, Christian and Jewiah, as well as Moa
lem, was checked.
— Then, gradually, centralisation crept in. Appeal t(
Constantinople became possible, and common, as nev
laws were gradually put into force, and as coramunicatior
became easier. New codes of laws were adopted ; new
mixed tribunals were instituted, and thus radical change;
were made.
Many of these changes are entirely at variance in
principle with that theory of government according tc
which Moslems, as the only true believers, had the pre-
eminence over Christians and Jews (who could here-
tofore claim no more than toleration), and over the
heathen (to whom no other choice could be lawftilly
offered than Islfim or death).
This Moslem theory of course is based upon the doc-
trine that the Law of the Korfin must be paramount —
that the Supreme Head of the State is he whom his
Moslem subjects recognise, de facto or dejure, to be the
'Khallf- Allah' — the Caliph-Vicegerent of God, as suc-
cessor of the Prophet Mohammed.
But even under the old system — ^before the new codes
were thought of, and while the Korfin was stiU the only
reci^nised standard of right — substantial justice could
always be obtdned by firmness on the part of the British
authorities.
225
CHAPTEE IX.
STATE OP THE COUNTRY.
Orifiis BB to Turkiah dominion was expected in 1868 — Peasantry or Fettahheen
— Kais and Yemen Actions — Abu Gosh clan — ^'Othman el Tjahhftm of Bait
At4b and his &ction— Mohammed ' Abd-en-Nebi and l^mmer el 'Amleh
— ^Mualehh of Bait Jibreen — ^*Abderrahhnmn el Amer of Hebron — ^Nabloos
(Shechem) — Its rival dans — ^Tokan and 'Abdul Hady — Peasant War-
fore — ^Thftr or Blood revenge — Dissension — Legend of the Devil and his
son^-Stirring up Action fight — Influence of the Shaikhs — ^Hafiz Pashi
of Jerusalem — Hebron troubles in 1852 — ^The Austrian and British Oon-
suls go thither to succour the Jews — ^'AbderrahhmHn el 'Amer dis-
misses the Turkish Qovemor — ^Terror of the people — Nabloos district
&nd the North also disturbed — Oousular visits to those districts — State
of the country in 1853 when visited — ^I^hting — ^Truce effected by the
Pashi.
In order to obtain an adequate idea of the state of Pales-
tine when the war broke out, we must go back a little,
and learn various incidents that had occurred before,
among the clans which compose the agricultural popula-
tion— that is to say, the native Fellahheen.
By the commencement of 1853 everbody felt that
some serious crisis was at hand in respect to Turkish
dominion in Palestine. In Europe, people naturally
thought more of the coming war as affecting Constanti-
nople ; but in Palestine it was well understood that Jeru-
salem was the ultimate object of contention.
Europeans, of course, were divided in opinion as to
the probable results if the * sick man ' should die, or
VOL. I. Q
226 KAIS AND YEMETJ FACTIONS-
should be made to die ; but the Moslem Arabs/ although
sharing in the undefined apprehensions felt by others,
were prepossessed by one idea only — ^the hope of deli-
verance from the ' rapacious and filthy ' rule of the Turk-
ish Pashks (such were exactly the expressions used by
them). To the Sultan they were loyal.
The peasantry of Palestine — ^the FeUahheen — ^have
their factions and family alliances, which serve either to
divide or to bind them together, independently of the
Turkish supremacy.
Of the largest form of class-separation into 'Kais*
and * Yemeni,' they are themselves unable to give any
reasonable account; but the distinction certainly goes
back at least to the early ages of the Arabian conquest
of Syria in the seventh century. The Yemeni is said
by some to refer to a faction fi:om Yemen or Southern
Arabia, and the Kais to a more northern body from that
peninsula, who are mentioned in the biographies of Mo-
hammed and his successors.^ This, nevertheless, would
not prove that the actual partisans now-a-days are strictly
descendants from those hosts of invaders, but only that
/ their forefethers adhered to either the E^ais or Yemeni
warriors, as they appeared on the scene, and became their
feudatories.
These designations, however, exist likewise in the
Lebanon mountains among the Druzes, where bitterest
^ See antOf p. 200 et seg,, for a description of this class of the population.
^ This idea seems confirmed by the following passage in Palgrave's
' Arabia/ vol. i. p. 456. * The tribe of Kenanah from which he (Mahomet)
was sprung, was near akin to that of KeySf and both were descended from
Nezar, whose very name was the war-cry of the northern Arabs in thdr
combats with the armies of Yemen,
/
THEIR COLOUBS. 227
hostilities were long carried on between them, until the
Kaislyeh were crushed, with the famous Fakh'r-ed-Deen
as their champion.
In the South of Palestine the feuds imder those names
are still in vigour. Our Kaisiyeh profess (and this is all
they have to say on the subject) that they derive their
appellation from their being * hardened ' against the Mo-
hammedan creed at its first promulgation, and therefore
the last to accept it — an evidence, they say, of their natural
hardihood.
The men are distinguished by their turbans, the
Kaislyeh wearing them striped of dark red and yellow ;
but the Yemenlyeh striped of pink upon white ; and in
their pride the former boast that dark-coloured horses
are stronger than the paler coloured — also, that even
dark-coloured cocks of the village dunghills always con-
quer their paler opponents ; and as for warfare, they assert
that the Kaisi Mohammed 'Abd en Nebi el 'Amleh, though
mustering but four hundred men, is always victorious
over Abu Gosh the Yemeni,^ with his much larger re-
sources. If true at any time, this can only be so within
his own rocky wilderness, where it is difficult to pursue
him.
In some viHages, such as Malhhah, SW. of Jerusa-
lem, and others, the people are divided, some being of
Kais and others of Yemeni, ranged, when called out for
fightiag^ under the opposite banners of those factions,
across their own street.
There are some differences between them in their
dialect of Arabic : among other su<di, the Kaislyeh pro-
nounce the letter Mf like hard g^ as the Bedaween do.
(l2
228 itlVAL LEADERS,
These factjoiw aire mOTeoYfir. su^ into what
may have been originally &mily dans, audi.fla the. Beni
I^lik, the Beni Murrah, the Beni Salim, each occupying
now a few villages in groups, and rivalling each other for
possession of land. These all have their own old grudges
* to feed fat/ and they omit no opportunity of rushing into
hostilities on that or blood-feud account.
The country had remained tolerably quiet since the
repressive measures employed by the Kubrusli Pashk in
August, 1846, when the rival leaders in local distur-
bances, Hhaj Mustafa Abu Gosh, Mohammed 'Abd en
Nebi (sumamed El 'Amleh, of the territory between the
latter and that of Hebron), 'Abderrahhmftn Amer, of
Hebron, and Muslehh el Azizi, of Bait Jibreen, were
shipped off into exile.
So independent of each other were some of these
men that, as I learned from the last-named of them in
after years, he had never seen Abu Gosh till they .met>
both in chains, on board the Shakhtoor^ which conveyed
them to Turkey by sea from Jaffa; but in 1853 these
worthies had returned to their several districts and their
ancient mode of Hfe, as Shaikhs, or Chiefs, of their respec-
tive clans.
It will help us to a better understanding of the transac-
tions of the period if we revert to the personal histories
of these disturbers of the public peace. Let it be remem-
bered that we are now speaking of the agricultural popu-
lation— the Fellahheen — with their tribes, or clans.
First we have the Abu Gosh party, the one that seems
to be named correctly a Sept, or Clan. The name Abu
Gosh ifl by interpretation ' The Father of Deceit,' an evil
A]BtJ GOSH CLAN. 22 &
title if considered in relation to iim of whom we are told
that ' when he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own, for
he is a har, and the father of it ' (John viii. 44). The
village which this chief holds as his capital is Kuriet el
'Aneb (commonly called El Kurieh, i.e. The Village)^ the
Kiriath Jearim of Scripture, and to my mind beyond all
doubt the place which gave the name to the traitor
Judas, he being Ish-Kiriath, or * man of Kiriath,' softened
in Greek into Iscariot.^
The village is situated alongside the high road of Jaffa
to Jerusalem, at the distance of three hours from the
latter, in a position commanding a long view of travellers
and pilgrims on their approach, the road passing almost
within musket-shot of the houses, and between them is a
deserted Christian church, stiU standing, the small win-
dows of which may serve well for loop-holes or embra-
sures. To all common appearance the village is well
built, and has a pleasant aspect. The cultivation of the
hills around is exceptionally good — superior, indeed, to
any other on that hne of road. Quietness and repose
seem to characterise the place.
The head man there responsible to the Government
was Ahhmad 'Abderrahhm&n (say in 1852t-3), and he was
the Shait&n, or source of all evil counsels: while the
right hand of the clan, the fighting man, was his nephew,
Hhaj Mustafa, a person of commanding presence, the
same who had been exiled by the Kubrusli Pashk, and
had now returned. The former was old, and weazened in
appearance, * the least erected epirit,' whose * looks were
' W e hKve somewhat pimilar fprniB of name in Ish Tob, 2 Sam. z. 6|aiid
Ish Bobheth, etc.
230 A WOMAN'S SARCASM.
always downwards bent/ and was always twitching the
comers of his mouth, pale of face, and dressed in white.
All the families of th^ village were said to be, and
that with great probability, of the same kith and kin as
their leader, most of them remarkable for a pale com-
plexion, attributable to their Circassian origin. The Sept
of Abu Gosh is derived from some Circassian Memlooks,
who accompanied Sultan Selim to Jerusalem, a.d. 1516.
They laid hold of a village named Bait L4kia, at the
mouth of Wadi SulimS^n, leading eastwards off the Plain
of Sharon among the hills. They multipUed for a long
period, and domineered over the adjacent district.
Among the parties who were made to feel their influence
were the Beni Amer, their neighbours, situated between
*Amw&s and Eas Kerker, from whom, among other items
of tribute, one bride a year was exacted.
One day at Bait L&kia, some of the peasant women
were chatting near the well, when a youth (one of these
Memlooks) passed by, on which one of the women instantly
covered her mouth with her sleeve, a custom indicatibg
respect or reserve in the presence of superiors.
Some men of the village, observing this, said, * Why
are you, then, shy before that boy, when you are not so in
our company ? ' She replied, * It is only proper to do so ' —
then adding in a sarcastic tone, ^ for these are the people
who take brides from the Beni Amer,' and raising her
voice, * Are you men, who suffer yourselves to be put
down by them ? Why, that boy is more of a man than
any or all of you.'
Stung to the quick they went and concerted mea-
sures with the Beni Amer, which resulted in a massacre
S:tJRtEl? EL ^ANEB THElE CAPITAL. 23l
<
of the usurping Abu Gosh strangers, leaving but one
survivor, and he was named Muhammed. This man
went and settled at Kaloneh, or occasionally at Soba,
and after some years succeeded in getting a wife from
Mkia, by whom he had several sons.
One of these, named Jaboor, became afterwards a
temporary governor of Jerusalem, and his son, Besheer,
was still living in 1853, and later, at the stronghold of
his clan, Kuriet el 'Aneb.
Another of these sons was father of our Hhaj Mustafa ;
and a third, named 'Abderrahhmfi.n, was father of the
Ahhmad, here described as the * Shaitftn,' or Devil of
the lot ; the one responsible to the Turkish Oovemment.
The next event in their history was their invaaion of
Kuriet el 'Aneb, and settlement in the village and lands,
from which they expelled a family named B'khakhrah,
and successively all the families around.
After that they made incursions upon the Beni Amer,
repeatedly destroying their villages. Keb&b, on the edge
of the Plain of Sharon, they twice levelled with the ground,
but it has been rescued from them and rebuilt. Three
other villages near 'Amw&s they still retain. Kuriet el
'Aneb, however, is their home and stronghold.
We find the Abu Gosh chief stigmatised as a lawless
robber and levier of black maU in books of travels for a
considerable time previous to our epoch : that is to say,
having grasped hold of the village of Kuriet el 'Aneb, he
took opportunity, from the extreme exhaustion and irre-
gularity of the Turkish rule, to levy * ghuf 'r,' or toll, from
passengers to the holy places, just as others did in other
localities, and as Bedaween Shaikhs still do in their wil-
232 ABU GOSH WARDEN OF THE EOAD.
dernesses, with the difference, however, of his ghuf 'r being
particulaxly p2X)fitable on account of the frequent passing
along the road of pilgrims and traders from Jaffa, and
also on account of the rich presents made to him by
French and other travellers (see Chateaubriand, Lamar-
tine, etc.).
Common pilgrims were allowed to pass toU-frBe,
in consideration of a large annual subsidy derived from
the Jerusalem Convents, besides irregular and forced
presents from the same. The Turkish governors at that
time were unable, and perhaps even unwilling, to stop
this thoroughly Oriental practice, notwithstanding the
grumbling of Europeans ; but with the Egyptian invasion
it was swept off at once, and the road kept free by mili-
tary force.
On the return of the Turks, Abu Gosh lifted up his head
once more, but the new government, on the representa-
tion of the Europeans, as it would seem, appointed him
to the nominal office of * Warden of the Boad,' from the
walls of Jerusalem to the Plain of Sharon, i.e. the whole
hilly road, including the Wadi 'M, for which he was
allowed a salary of forty thousand piastres (above 400/.)
a year, and exemption from taxes on the three villages
he possessed near Amw&s, ' on the plain ' (which was
famous in the Maccabasan annals).
How far 'Abu Gosh ought to have been trusted with
such an office while clan- vengeance held its claims among
the population as a duty of primary obligation, appeared
in 1843, when, on the festival of Bairam, the two
brothers, Ibn Simhhan, governors of Lydd, and Kamlah,
were coming up to salute the Pashk of Jerusalem ; they
ASSASSINATION. ABU GOSH PUNISHED. 233
being not only Arab Shaikhs, but officers also of Turkish
administration, travelling upon the very highway of which
their foe, Abu Gosh, was the salaried keeper under their
superiors.
They had too rashly adventiu:ed themselves, with
but a few attendants, within his limits; and at a con-
tracted part of the road, which the writer knows right
well, the party was stopped by a large force from the
*Kurieh,' and commanded to dismount and lay down
their arms. The brothers were instantly deserted by
their afirighted pedestrian followers, and shot dead.
The murderers had the corpses carried to their village,
about a mile, and sent on a messenger to Jerusalem an-
nouncing what they had done. The bodies were left to lie
unburied, in that country considered to be a profanation of
humanity or decency, and were then interred among the
oUve trees opposite the village, within view of Abu Gosh's
windows, but no memorial marks the spot — ^it is known
only, as well as that of the assassination, by popular tra-
dition.
This matter continued unpunished until the seizure
and deportation of the criminal, in 1846, by the KubrusU
Pashk, by means of a stratagem outwitting even the
* father of deceit.'
In 1848 a scientific expedition of the United States
of America was returning from the Jordan and Dead
Sea, their task there being completed. On the way sea-
wards, the surveyors were taking levels and angles right
and left of the highway, but were stopped and threat-
ened, under a claim of ghuf 'r, by another of the family,
llhaj Yusuf Abu Gosh : rather a venturous proceeding,
234 INSOLENT CONDUCT.
seeing that the Americans were strong hardy men, and
all armed with excellent revolvers.
As the expedition in all its proceedings had been
placed under English protection, notice of this unex-
pected turn of affairs was forwarded to us, and I being
out on the same road for an excursion, was speedily on
the scene, arguing with Hhaj Yusuf under the lemon
trees of Kaldneh.
After being shown the Musheer's ' Buyuruldi ' from
Beyroot, he lowered his tone into a threat of not suffering
the Arab guide from the Dead Sea to earn money by
conducting the officers over his territory ; he swore tre
mendously to this effect, and half drew out his ' scymitar,
returning it to the scabbard with a violent clank ; on
which I rose and left a kaww^ to attend upon the sur
veyors, while I returned to town to report to Zareef
Pashk. In one month more Hhaj Yusuf was also on his
way to Constantinople, and some years after died in
exile at Widdin.
In 1851 Hhaj Mustafa was allowed to return on
having paid the * Deeyeh ' or blood-fine to the family of
Ibn Simhh4n — ^he was thus completely absolved, and he
assumed his position among respectable people.
It will be a happy day when (or if) the Turkish, or
any good government, become strong enough to garrison
for themselves the Kuriet el 'Aneb, as a permanent mili-
tary post; for it is an important one, lying between a
region of barren rocks and deep valleys on the side
towards Jerusalem, and the steep broken glen of Wadi
*Ali in the opposite direction. Yet a European force
practised either in Algeria, or the Caucasus, or in Abys-
'OTHMAN EL LEHHAm, NIMMER EL 'AMLEH. 235
sinia, would make exceedingly light matter of the whole
hne of road.
The Abu Gosh family still kept up a decided ascen-
dancy among the rural factions by means of their wealth,
their local position, and, above all, by their union among
theigaelvea; but found it necessary to keep their own
dependants and allies in rough exercise upon some pre-
text or other, in order not to lose their old prestige. A
subject for quarrel was always at hand in contesting with
'Othm&n el Lehh&m, of the contiguous 'Arkoob district
southwards, for supremacy over the Beni Hhassan villages
on their confines.
This 'OthmS.n Was a mere coarse, hard-headed peasant,
with the village of Bait 'At4b for his home and the sur-
rounding district for his territory.
Southwards again was the more desolate region pre-
sided over by Mohammed 'Abd en Nebi el 'Amleh, a
man so frequently engaged in hostihties, and so accurate
a marksman as to have earned the appellation of *Azrael*
(the Angel of Death). His country is so hilly and
scorching hot, as I know by experience, as to be iU
adapted to formal military operations, and I do not
believe that any Tiurkish soldiers, regular or irregular,
can ever have been on duty there during my seventeen
years' knowledge of Palestine. This man, however, and
his people were free from the brutal cruelties of other
warriors, and were noted for their generous hospitality.
Mohammed 'Abd en Nebi, with his cousin, Nimmer
el Amleh, and his neighbour again to the south, Muslehh
el Azizi, the giant of Bait Jebreen, and chief of his own
special district, were always ready for a scrimmage^ and
A
236 HEBRON.
thiis were of importance to be thrown into the scale
of any rural contention ; but the latter had generally
sufficient employment in repelling inroads of Southern
Bedaween.
Besides this continuous line of annoyance-giving
Shaikhs, extending from Kuriet el 'Aneb to Bait Jibreen,
«
the Fashk had always two other territories demanding
vigilance and diplomacy rather than force (which is
almost always an agent kept out of the calculation) : and
these two are Hebron a^rid Nablobs. *^
1. Hebron, which was chronically plagued with the
atrocities of 'Abderrahhm4n el Amer in resisting the
government, or in carrying on dissensions among his
brotherhood of Sel&meh, Ahhmad, Hhusain, Amer, and
Mohammed.
The family of Amer belongs to Dura, a village two
hours' distance from Hebron, and *Abderrahhmftn was
the foul, bull-necked leader among them.
Scarcely had the news of the bombardment of Acre
(1840) reached Jerusalem and Hebron, than *Abder-
rahhm&n rode into the latter town, and meeting the local
governor, 'Abd el JowwM (who held office under the
Egyptians), in the street, he drew his khanjar (short
sword) and cut him down at a blow, and then strode
across the corpse, and waving aloft his blood-stained sword,
he proclaimed the reign of his lawful Sultan of Turkey,
whose name he thus profaned by using it for his own
pui-poses of ambition, greed, and vengeance.
He then passed on to Jerusalem, repaired to the
Mahhkameh, and waving his scymitar over the Kadi s
head, demanded from him a legal decision in writing to
'abderbahfimAn el amer, nabloos, 237
the oiFect that it is dutifiil and meritorious to slay any
traitor to the true Sovereign and Caliph of the holy
religion. Armed with this he rode back to Hebron
and constituted himself governor there.
The K&di meanwhile repaired to the Mufti, and to
him made a declaration of the circumstances under which
the document had been extorted from him, intended by
the perpetrator to justify the slaughter of a civilian not
engaged in hostilities.
From that time 'Abderrahhm^n maintained himself
as * virtual monarch of all he surveyed ' until the expedi-
tion of Kubrusli Pashk in 1846. He was suffered, how-
ever, to return home in a year or two, where he resumed
his career of oppressing the peasantry, plundering the
helplesis Jews in Hebron, and even employing agents to
rob travellers upon the roads.
2. J^abloos, anciently Shechem, is the capital of Cen-
«
tral Palestine, and ranks next after Jerusalem in import-
ance. It is itself a peculiar locality. The town is strongly
posted in the heart of a inost_f(ertile territory, and is
mostly inhabited by fanatic Modems ; and the large dis-
trict known as the * Jebel Nabloos ' ^ is a belt of territory
extending across the middle of the map of Palestine, from
the Mediterranean plain (Sharon) to the Jordan plain
(Ghor) : it is in fact the country called Samaria in the
New Testament. The population there is evidently of a
different race from that of other parts of Palestine. They
are distinguishable by a mean and cruel cast of counte-
nance. They wear a different head-cap (tarboosh) from
others. It is large and slouched on one side.
^ Jebel Nabloos, t.e. ' the Mountain (district) of NaUoos,'
238 ROUGH PEOPLE IN NABLOOS DISTRICT.
When the factions of Jebel Nabloos were at war with
each other, their £ghtiiig was'more savage and oiielthan
that of the clans in the Jerusalem territory, south and
west.
After observing the important part which the turbu-
lent and fanatic population of Nabloos play in the afiairs
of Palestine, it is easy to understand the history of She-
chem and Samaria as given in the Old Testament — in the
Book of Judges, and in the history of the Ten Tribes.
In the spring of this year, 1853, very large bodies of
these rough Moslem peasants came to Jerusalem on pil-
grimage, in honour of Neby Moosa. It was computed
that one-fourth of the population of the Nabloos district
came, on account of the thanksgiving vows made in con-
sequence of the spring rains falling after long delay and
drought. The crowds in Jerusalem were so great that
the Fashk, fearing a collision between them and the
Christian pilgrims, ordered out two companies of in-
fantry and cleared the Nabloos folk out of the street
leading to the Holy Sepulchre.
The number of the population of the Jebel Nabloos
was roughly reckoned at about 30,000 Moslem men
capable of bearing arms ; 2,000 Christians of the Greek
rite ; about 40 Samaritans, and a very few Jews (all
these besides women and children). The taxes paid by
this district were said to amount to 4,500 purses (about
22,000/.), an enormous sum, paid half-yearly, three
months being consumed each time in the collection.
The city authorities were the Mutesellim or Governor
(also called Kaimakftm), the Mufti, the K&di, the Nakib,
and the Effendis (notables). There were no European
PACTIONS OF NABLOOS. 239
Consular agents, but England had a native Christian
agent who looked after the interests of travellers and
of the Missionaries employed by English Societies or by
the Bishop.
The Jebel Nabloos was alternately ruled by Kaima-
k&ms taken from two families only, both originating in
the city itself ; the Pashi being under the necessity of
employing in turns one or other of those families, namely, ""
(1) the Tpkdn leading the Jer&r, and inclined rather to
the old conservative tone of local politics ; and (2) the
*Abdul Hfidi, seconded by Kfisem el Ahhmad with the
Jayooseh or Eay&n people. This latter party professed
more of liberalism in practice, i.e. in cunning at keeping
up with Constantinople progress, and bidding for popu-
larity with the European Consuls. They were, however,
not to be trusted.
The Tokftn were considered as of the old Turkish
faction or party ; the 'Abdul H&di, as of the Egyptian
school of prc^ess.
Of these two great factions, No. 2, known as that of
'Abdul Hddi, was by far the strongest. They had
favoured the Eg^tians, and were even now looked upon
as partisans of Egyptian pohcy. Their stronghold was the
fortified village of Arr&beh, south-east from Carmd.
This house in 1849 consisted of four brothers : —
1. Mahhmood Bek, the eldest, ruling at Arr&beh.
2. 'Abdul mdy.
3. 'Abdu'l Kader.
4. Hussain, who brought in the Egyptians, but was
afterwards poisoned (it is said) by the sister of Ibrahim
Fashk (the Egyptian prince) at the Bahajah gardens,
240 TOKAN AND 'ABDITL HAdI.
m
near Acre, for having secretly accumulated arms in his
house.
This Hussain had four sons.
Mohanuned, in 1849 Governor of Gaza, and after-
wards exiled.
Abderrahhm&n ^
Salehh • sons by concubines.
Sdeed j
'Abdul Hady was styled the Bek for his services to
the Egyptians.
Both of the great factions thus described have
numerous minor auxiliaries, and sometimes fights oc-
curred between some of the smaller parties, and the rest
were gradually drawn m. It was so in 1848, when the
two halves of the tribe JerrSr (which was then divided,
one part joinmg each opposite faction) fought, and the
respective patrons took their sides.
The Tokftn had held rule in Nabloos (the Mutesellim,
or Governor, under the Turks, being of their house) from
1848 to 1851. (They were considered Turkish, t.^. anti-
E^tian.)
In October of 1851 fortune turned against them, and
the chiefe of the Tok&n and their ally Shaikh Sadek
(Kayfin) were exiled out of the country.
Their rival Mahhmood 'Abdu'l Hfidi was then made
Governor of Nabloos. His brother, 'Abdul Hfidi, was
given Jeneen, and their ally, Malihmood Kasim el
Ahhmed, was set over all the Jemaeen (forty-seven villages
mostly westwards).
This lasted till 1853, when the Bayfin (on Tok&n's side)
rose again, bribed with 47,000 piastres, and half the
VICISSITUDES OF THE FACTIONS. 241
Jemaeen villages were given to them, the Pashk of Jeru-
salem giving the other half of those villages to a Turk, his
pipe-bearer.
In July 1853 the 'Abdul HMi faction, represented
by K4sim el Ahhmad, rose in arms and fought several
affairs with the RayS.n of the opposite ToMn faction.
The Turkish pipe-bearer ran away and took refuge
in 'Abdul HMy's house in Nabloos, and then escaped
to Jerusalem.
In August of that year, the Eay&n having been always
victorious, some of them came to Jerusalem and told the
Pashk that, if he would give them leave, they would
bring their rivals, the K&simites, by the neck into
Jerusalem.
But now K&sim got underhand help from his patron
'Abdul H&di, and utterly put down the RayS-n, burning
seven villages, and plundering others. The loss of hfe to
the latter was seven, and forty wounded.
The pipe-bearer then went back to his villages, where,
of course, he was making a fortune. As for the Pashk,
he profited by the strife, reaping his harvest from all
parties.
It must not be forgotten that both sides called in
Bedawy allies, from the Desert beyond Jordian, as the
Beni Sukhr, or the 'Adwftn, and from the western plain
of Sharon, where the Abu Kishk tribes roam, north of
Jaffa.
(Those between Jaffa and Gteza are the Suwalki,
while farther south still is the great tribe of the Tiy&hah,
the latter sometimes in alUance with Abu Gosh and his
faction, as we have already soon.)
VOL, h R
242 ADHERENTS OF THE FACTIONS,
In 1854 the house of Tokftn was once more in the
ascendant, and Ali Bek Tok&n was Governor of Nabloos —
on behalf of the Sublime Porte.^
It is easy to understand that whenever the Turkish
^ Government was weak> or whenever it suited the Pashk,
^ In 1864 the state of Actions about Nabloos was as follows : —
I. The Tokdn and tbeir auxiliaries were,
1. The Oulad Berkh&wi, who are ShaiMis of one third of Wadi
Sha'eer.
2. Sadek of Mejdal Yaba and half of Belad Jema'een; he presided
oyer twenty-two villages. At that time he was in penal exile
at Trebizond, but his place was held by his brother Moosa abu
Bek'r.
^^ 3. Jerar, of the Sherkawiy&t, eighteen villages (half this tribe joined
with the opposite faction).
II. The other flEiction is known by the name of the * I^mmer/ and is led by —
1. The 'Abdu'l Hadi commanding the Shaarawiyeh east and west ;
also the Beni Hareth about Jeneen — ^total, forty-five villages.
2. Kasem el Ahhmad, with the other half of the Belad Jema'een,
twenty-two villages.
- 8. The Oul&d Jeyooseh, or Ra'yan, commanding the Beni S&ab,
twenty-four villages.
The patron of this fsustion is always, beyond dispute, the 'Abdul H^ of
the time being.
The leaders of both factions command not only the above auxiliaries^
but through them, of course, their subordinates also; yet these villages agtun
\ are split into partisan families of hostile sides, to the hearts' content of the
\ Turkish Gk>vemment.
Tereitobt.
The Jema'een villages form a belt across from the hills of Nabloos to
OfiBsarea and Jaffa.
The Sha'arawiyeh form a parallel belt to the north of the above.
Wadi Sha'eer is a belt northwards again.
THE ARABS, OOKlCGlfLT CALLED BEDAWEBS,
In contiguity with the Jebel Nabloos are the Abu Kishk, few in number,
but making themselves felt among the peasantry on the Plain of Sharon on
the west.
' During prolonged hostile operations theSuwalki are called in from &rther
south, or the Beni Sukh'r, and the 'Adwfiln from beyond Jordan on the east.
Thus each of the two great Actions has allies among the wild desert
Arabs.
PEASANT WAHFAEE. 243
for the time being, to promote strife, the Nabloos factions
w§re at open war with each other.
The Ottoman Government was powerless in presence
of either of these parties. Indeed, so long as expe- ^
diency was the only available policy at Constantinople
or Jerusalem, an alternate balancing of the two was the
best course to adopt. The rivals were always alike
ready to declare loyalty to the Sultan, and to outbid in
money for attaining ascendancy in office.
The Effendis of the Jerusalem Coimcil enjoyed their
shares in such pecuniary benefits; and the successful
competitor, although the means employed by him would
not bear dose scrutiny, was left at Hberty to collect his
revenue by any processes of extortion or violence through-
out his territory, which happily for him was then but
little traversed, and therefore not much subject to
governmental or consular inspection.
So much for the Jebel Nabloos and its factions.
Among all the rivalries, dissensions, and corruptions
of parties above described, the Turkish helmsman had
to steer as delicately as he could, without driving any to
desperation.
The causes or aims of peasant warfare — the technical
name for which is the ' Mi^eh ' — have in Palestine
seldom or never any connection with government deal-^^ /
ings. They arise either from lust of power among the
Shaikhs, or hereditary feuds, or from vindictive retalia-
tion. On the latter score a pretty quarrel may be got up
at any time; but Wat Tylers or Massaniellos are un-
known there.
b3
^
t'k *..
244 'THAR' OR BLOOD REVENGE.
The 'Thar' or blood-revenge is obligatory upon
relatives of the slain to the fifth degree of consanguinity,
in a family way of reckoning; but whole villages or
factions often take up the Thar on behalf of one or a few
individuals on their side, and battles ensue thereupon,
till after a seiies of conflicts some third party comes in
as mediator (sometimes this is the Government taking
that ignoble office — ^ignoble for a Government) ; the loss
in killed is counted up on the two sides, and compensa-
tion is made for the excess in the balance, by money or
money's worth.
Sometimes, however, the state of war ends in a truce
('atweh), renewable, and again renewable till some favour-
able opportunity occurs of demanding blood, either on
the ground of some failure in the sureties to the truce,
or, in short, any reason which passion or false honour
may invent.
These are matters with which Ottoman governors
never interfered authoritatively. So long as taxes were
paid in some slovenly manner (usually more than the
amount legally due, for the fellahheen are very poor
accountants), the people always disclaim any intention of
disobedience to the Pashk or the Sultan (whose name
even is often unknown).
They were left to themselves to waste human life,
to impede or destroy agriculture at their perverse will,
and so the country became a desert ; as I have known
the people of Wad Fokeen, beyond Bethlehem, on find-
ing themselves pressed by a stronger faction than their
own, cut down their own vineyards and orange trees,
nay even send to auxiliary villages for help in destroying
EVILS OF DISSENSION. A FABLE. 245
their olive trees, lest they should become the property of
the enemy.
Sometimes the villages are rebuilt, but only after the
disaster, and the effect is thus in every such case a march
backwards in comfort and civilisation.
In respect of the ruin so entailed, the Arab peasantry
seem to differ from the American Bed Indians. The
principle of long-cherished revenge is the same, and the
methods of fighting, by keeping up a battle or the siege
of a village slowly, during successive days, is the same ;
but there is no resemblance in the fact of having corn-
fields and orchards cultivated in the intervals, and then
having them destroyed by fire or the hatchet.
The people themselves are aware of the evils of dis-
sension, which they call * fas&d,' but a wilful sower of
dissension, technically called the * mufsed,' is always to be
met with, and whether by the ties of clanship, or by per-vr
sonal thirst for retaliation, the unhappy peasants are sure
t^ K^ ^r^Vm intn the VVrt^Y at the r>nmmanfr nrHmlr
haikhs — indeed, a refusal to rise and join would expose
them to bloodshed and ruin from both sides.
They have a fable current among them illustrative of
this state of things.
Once upon a time the Devil and his hopefid son were
passing by a tranquil village, when the latter asked leave
to run up the hill (for every village is, if possible, built on
a hill) and get a drink of water. The venerable parent
objected, ' because,' said he, * I am sure that you will stir
up some mischief there.'
The youth promised to do nothing of which his father
would not approve ; so permission was given.
246 HOW STRIFE IS STIRRED UP.
Going to a house, he begged from the nearest woman
a draught of water, and she took her jar to the well to
fetch it.
Now, the house was partitioned between two famihes
of near relations. In the woman's absence the imp
observed a calf tied up to a post, and he untied the rope.
The calf walked into the other division of the house,
where the women had been grinding com, but were then
absent, and he ate up their wheat and flour.
The women ran in and beat the calf; the other arrived
with the jar of water, and beat those women for beating
her calf; the husband of the mill woman came in, ancl
beat the woman with the jar of water ; her husband, on
hearing the screams, ran up and beat that man ; the
people of the village ran in from the threshing-floor, and
took different sides in the quarrel ; the whole place was
in an uproar, and several hves were lost.
The author of it all escaped, leaving them at it, and
on being reproved by his father for bringing needless
trouble about their ears, quietly said, * I did nothing to
the people — I only saw a poor little calf tied up, and I
set it at liberty ; but people are always ready to cast their
blame on us.'
And so it comes to pass that, from perpetual expe-
rience, the maxim circulates among the peasantry in their
dialect,
Esh sh^ kod ee Semsemeh
Yejeeb el Ehail mulejjemeh^
* A matter small as a seed of sesavii may bring up horses
with their bridles on,' Le. may bring in as arbiters the
dangerous Bedaween forayers. And the practised ' mufeed,'
AtJTHORlTY OP THE SHAIKHS. 247
or ' Shait&n/ on his side quotes the other proverb — ^ Cut
down a tree by means of a branch from itself.'
Take an exemplification of the stubborn characteristic
of these people, together with their deference to native
Shaikhs.
A peasant from the south was accused of stealing a
cow from his neighbour. Being found in Jerusalem, he
was brought before the Turkish Court. The evidence
seemed complete, and he was imprisoned — ^he was basti-
nadoed, for it was in the time when corporeal punish-
ment was allowed.
He was remanded. He bore protracted confinement ;
still he persisted in his * not guilty.' He was again basti-
nadoed, till his feet were in. a pitiable condition.
At length the governor sent for the man's Shaikh,
Muslehh el Azizi, who then visited the prisoner in his
loathsome dungeon, and taking him aside to a dark
corner, Muslehh laid hold of his own beard, and adjured
him, * By this brown thing, did you steal the cow ? ' On
which the prisoner at once confessed to the theft, but
added that nothing less than that solemn oath could have
extorted from him the avowal.
Shaikh Muslehh himself told me this as an instance of
the influence wielded by the hereditary leaders within the
country, and the inefficiency of the Turkish Pashks for
any good purpose, their only instrument of ruling being
the levying of money and (in those days) the bastinado,
and these were incapable of inspiring either fear or love.
Let us continue the narrative of events as they
rapidly developed themselves at the p^^od we are treat-
ing of.
248 HEBRON AFFAIRS.
B^inniog with Hebron. Early in 1852, *Abder-
rahhm&n el Amer had again fallen into the hands of the
Government, and a low-class Turk — of course a stranger
— was put in his place as Mutesellim.
'Abderrahhm^n was for a few days chained and im-
prisoned in the seraglio of Jerusalem, then allowed to
walk about the city by daylight, under the guarantee of
three securities ; but he very soon effected his escape by
night, carrying his chains with him over the dty wall.
The Fashk at the time wa« one Mohammed Hafiz,
holding higher rank than any preceding governor there,
viz., that of Musheer, or Wali. But he was an old man
of exhausted health, and entirely imaccustomed to the
rough manners of the Palestinians. The times also were
not such as would admit of an unbridled peasantry, who
hated the very name of Turk, being overawed by merely
an extra pomposity of title. It must be remembered that
this 'AbderrahhmHn was himself a Fellahh (peasant).
'Abderrahhm&n at once superseded the Mutesellim of
Hebron, and commenced a furious levying of fines upon
the inhabitants, especially on the Jews. These formed a
considerable proportion of the population there, and many
of them were imder the care and protection of the British
Consulate. In their distress they applied to us for succour.
Yet what was to be done ? To leave them as sheep,
a prey to the wolf 'Abderrahhm&n, would have a very
ill effect throughout the country, wherever there were
British prot^g^s to be plundered or molested.
The helplessness of poor old Hafiz Pashk was but too
well understood. The only possible coiu^e for me to adopt
was to repair personally to Hebron, as eye-witness of 'Ab-
'abdeurahhmIn at large. 249
derrahhm^'s proceedings, in the hope that my presence
among our people there might in some degree check the
miscreant in his career.
I, therefore, repaired to Hafiz PashJi, induced him to
send on a force of thirty Bashi-bozuk, and to give me
two for an escort, when I set off, together with my two
Kaww^es towards the scene of action.
Scarcely had I left the city when a respectable Mos-
lem rushed before me from among some olive trees,
heaping curses, both loud and deep, upon the Turkish
Government, and vowing that the only hope of God's
creatures lay in their being conquered by some Christian
power. His house had that morning been rifled by
'Abderrahhmfin.
In ten minutes more I met the Mufti of Hebron,
riding on an ass, and attended by a dozen of Hebronites
on foot, some of them armed with guns : all, of course,
carrying Khanjars (the usual weapon of rustics) in their
belts, and all with loud cries imploring me to give an
answer, ' If the Pashk could not fight for them, would not
the English do so ? ' They had been driven out of their
houses by 'Abderrahhm&n.
At the convent of Mar Elias by the road-side we
overtook the Bashi-bozuk who had been sent on in
advance. Their horses were picketed, the men smoking,
and the Captain asleep under a tree; when roused up
he made me the excuse that he was waiting for a rein-
forcement to join him. This was at less than half-an-
hour's distance from the city. We passed on without
him.
In Hebron I put up, as usual, at the house of the
250 TERROR OF THE JEWS.
Jewish Pakeed (temporal business agent), and to my
surprise the Spanish Jews (who are Turkish subjects), at
all other times so fiill of protestations of gratitude for
my visits, betrayed in their countenances an excessive
iright, and they came about me declaring that 'Abder-
rahhm&n *had done them no harm, and had injured
nobody.' One of their leading Eabbis implored me in
case of 'Abderrahhmftn coming to visit me, as might be
expected, not to say that I had come for protection of
Jews ; for that if I did so, he would be sure to punish
them doubly at my departure.
A kaww&s of mine brought word from the streets that
numerous houses had been plundered, but no persons
killed ; that the Mutesellim (governor) had shut himself
up in his house, while 'Abderrahhmfi^n was in his town-
house surrounded by 500 men well armed, and that 100
village Shaikhs were by compulsion ranged on his side.
The Government force at the same time in Hebron
amounted to four men, besides the two in my company.
All this I was not prepared for ; I trusted, however,
still to some moral effect, in favour of the Jews, to come
from my presence and from looking 'AbderrahhmSn
straight in the face, but the task was a delicate one, for
my own cUents were nearly as much frightened as the
Spanish Jews.
In the morning early came the doctor of the Lazaretto
(a European) and confirmed the worst accounts of the
outrages committed by the rebel and his partisans, adding
that he had been told it was resolved by them to levy
a fine of forty purses (200/. nearly) upon the Jewish
quarter that morning.
*THE BEST OiP GOVERNORS.' 251
At 8 A.M. the troop from Jerusalem arrived with a
rattle of kettledrums, and advancing direct to 'Abderrahh-
m&n, the Captain presented him with a letter from the
Pashi ; this was received with formality and an answer
in writing was promised ; but the Captain invited him to
come to Jerusalem, there to have his matters inquired
into with impartiality — a strange request, seeing that
the offender had but recently escaped from custody
there.
On this 'Abderrahhm^n stormed curses at him, and
calling in people from passing along the street, demanded,
in a voice of thunder, if he had robbed or done violence
to anyone ? In terror they shook their coats, and said,
* God forbid ! ' One after another avouched that 'Ab-
derrahhm^n was the best of possible governors, and had
done injury to no one.
He then had a paper drawn up to that effect, which
the people sealed with their signet-rings : all except the
European Lazaretto doctor, who was present, and said
that although he had heard of some excesses being com-
mitted, he had seen none : so he was excused.
'Abderrahhm&n then sent several successive messages
to the Mutesellim (governor) ordering him to leave the
town. These things were reported to me by my own
kaww&s, who had witijiessed them.
Soon afterwards the Mutesellim came to visit me for
ceremony, escorted by the whole troop of Bashi-bozuk
from Jerusalem. Two sons of 'Abderrahhm^n came also
as spies, for Oriental customs allow of the freest walking
into each other's houses, especially during ceremonials,
Asiatics live all day in public.
252 'ABDERRAHHMlTirS ORATION.
As long as these sons remained, a constraint lay
upon the conversation; but they left as soon as they
heard that I was come to look after English subjects,
and that probably the Austrian Consul was following on
behalf of his few subjects there.
The MuteseUim (governor) and his secretary exhibited
symptoms of the utmost terror, the latter particularly,
and I was told in his presence that on the preceding
evening a sword had been waved over his head by *Ab-
derrahhm3.n.
On their departure 'Abderrahhm4n himself came with
several sons of various a^es, and a large retinue of
Shaikhs and armed fellahheen.
Throwing his burly person upon the divftn, he shouted,
without comphments or preface, ' 'Abderahhm&n is calling
for 300,000 piastres, most of which he has given as bribes
to the Effendis of Jerusalem, but of which he has drawn
up a Ust, and here it is ; so much to one, and so much to
another (reading over a hst of names and sums), the rest
has been plundered from him in the name of Government,
on account of the village of Ziph. K the CJonsul will
recover that money for me, I will retire to my own
place, put my hand under my head and go to sleep, ff
not, I will plunder every house in this town, allow
neither Christian nor Jew to live here ; will mount my
mare, repair to my friends the Arabs in the Desert, turn
out the dogs who Uve at Petra, levy sums upon the
English who go there, stretch out my legs and enjoy
myself.'
All this was uttered in one long sentence, as if he
were uneasy in mind tiU the task was finished which he
THE GOVERNOR GETS NOTICE TO QUIT. 253
had set himself to repeat, and which even his impudence
found it a hard matter to accomplish.
I answered that unless he forbore to make threats I
would do nothing whatsoever for him ; but that if he
would speak peaceably, I might send the list to his Ex-
cellency Hafiz Pashk, with a note from myself in these
words, ' 'Abderrahhm&n has placed this in my hands, and
has already acquainted me with its import.'
He then somewhat modij&ed his tone, changed the
words ' ride away into the Desert,' for * ride away to the
village,' and instead of ' not permit any Christian or Jew
to live in the town,' said he would suffer no English
subjects to stay there. These meant of course the Jews
under English protection ; for no Christians did, or do,
reside in Hebron.
My poor Jews (for we were in a Jewish house, that
of the Sephardi Pakeed) and others were witnesses of
the proceedings. Those children of Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, the saints of Machpelah, close at hand, betrayed
the utmost consternation, with pale visages and flashing
eyes, as they watched every word and gesture, not
knowing what the ruffian might do next.
Finding some abatement of tone in 'Abderrahhm&n, I
set my dragoman to write a few words to the Pashi in
the above sense, but stopped him on 'Abderrahhmftn
ordering an armed attendant to ' go, bid that fool of a
Mutesellim (governor) quit the town before noon, or he
should lose lus head,' on which I refused to let any letter
be written from me ; and Shaikh Muslehh el Azizi, of
Bait Jibreen, interceding, persuaded the autocrat to allow
the poor man time till sunset for collecting his furniture
254 IMPOUNDING CONSULS.
and packing it on mules for travelling. (According to the
laws of etiquette among the peasants, 'Abderrahhm&n
could scarcely have refused Shaikh Muslehh's request.)
At this point arrived M. Pizzamano, the Austrian
Consul, a military man of goodly presence, and 'Abder-
rahhm&n repeated to him his story and demands, but
the threat was now enlarged into one of demolishing the
town, and keeping up continual marauding parties upon
the road, up to the gates of Jerusalem. He was answered
with soothing words to the effect that M. Pizzamano
would write to the Pashk ; but then our hero asked, ' if
the two Consuls would not stay in Hebron till the answer
should arrive ? '
To comprehend the full force of this query, it is
necessary to recollect the relative powers of the Turkish
Government and the rebel at the moment ; it should be
understood also that Abderrahhm&n and the Consuls
were seated side by side within a Jewish house, that the
whole Jewish Quarter is confined within a block of houses
closed by one small gate, and that the door of the apart-
ment itself in which we were was blocked up with a
crowd of brawny and armed partisan rebels. We were
thus shut into a trap.
'Abderrahhmftn rose, however, and left us on the
promise of the letters being written to the PashJi ; his
brother, Mahhmood, remained to see them finished, and
he undertook to forward them by a special messengei.
In another hour Pizzamano and I were clear out of
the town, as it was high time we should be, for it would
never do to allow ourselves to be held as hostages for
coercing the Turkish PashJ^ to concede his claims, on the
1
PROTECTION FOR THE JEWS. 255
merits of which we were ignorant and had no right to
examine. It was dear that the idea of impomiding the
European Consuls had entered his head, and neither our
Governments nor that of the Sultan would thank us for
bringing on such a complication.
I was afterwards assured that, previous to the
Austrian Consul's arrival, 'Abderrahhm&n had proposed
to his advisers the expediency of carrying off the English
Consul to his village (Dura) as a hostage ; he also sug-
gested the idea of putting me into an oven : this was,
however, but the conceit and bluster of a bully. I also
learned that his brother Hhusain, on seeing my Arab
mare standing in the Court of the pubUc Khan, had
pointed to her, saying to his slave, but in pubUc hearing,
' Would it not be better for the owner of that to get
away as speedily as possible ? ' intending this of course to
be repeated to me, and alluding to a possibiUty of the
animal being otherwise appropriated by his brother.
Pizzamano and I each lelft a kaww&s on duty in
Jewish houses ; I left also my second dragoman for two
days, as the best protection we could afford, and our
measures really did answer the purpose intended, for
with all his insolence 'Abderrahhm&n was too cunning to
set the Consuls quite against him by ill-treating their
people after they had witnessed the true state of affairs.
On passing through the streets it was piteous to hear
the European Jews crying after us that truly they had
great fear in their souls,^ notwithstanding all they had
before stated to the contrary when in 'Abderrahhm^n's
presence.
» M*a^3 VCWO tr* y^ : nne B^ ^SK. Es giebt viel Purcht,
256 THE COUNCIL DELIBERATE.
Next morning the Pashi heard my report of the
transactions, and he summoned a council to answer the
allegations against themselves. I had only to urge the
adoption of decided measures for ensuring tranquillity in
general, and the safety of English prot^^s, leaving the
means to be chosen by Government.
It was resolved by the puzzled authorities to draw up
a letter, inviting 'Abderrahhrn^n to appear in Jerusalem
under any guarantee that he should himself propose, for
making good his charges ; or indeed in any lai^e town
he should name, such as Beyroot, Damascus, etc. The
Effendis he had named, engaged on their part to appear
personally, and to invite the British Consul of that place
to be witness of the proceedings.
I could have no objection to this, unlikely though it
was to be accepted, since it was their character which
had been assailed ; but pressed rather the point of dealing
at once with a rebel who had several times, and once in
my presence, commanded the Turkish governor to quit
his post under peril of his Ufe : who had actually ex-
pelled the Mufti, had plundered houses, and cut off a
man's hand when endeavouring to save his property, be-
sides threatening to stop intercourse upon the high road.
I recommended a recourse to vigorous action, con-
fident that in presence of even a show of Niz&m (regular)
soldiery, the adherents of 'Abderrahhm^n would drop
off from his side and leave him helpless.
The Austrian Consul coming into the Council Cham-
ber was of the same opinion.
But we were answered that, by existing regulations,
the Pash^ of Jerusalem and the Commandant of the gar-
'ALL QUIET IN HEBRON!' 257
rison were together, or separately, precluded from em-
ploying the regular military without special licence for
each individual occasion frgm His Excellency the Serias-
ker (Generalissimo), in Damascus; Bashi-bozuk alone
might be used, and these were too few in number for
the emergency, neither could they be relied upon for
fidelity in action.
Still we advised the employment of as many of the
latter as possible, and the taking advantage of dissensions
known to exist in and about Hebron.
As Consuls were not members of the official Council,
the Pashk requested us to withdraw for a time, which we
did, and in an hour afterwards His Excellency acquainted
us with the Eesolution of the Council, which was to the
eflfect that one more letter be sent to 'Abderrahhm&n, re-
quiring a speedy answer, and that in case of no satisfac-
tory reply being returned by two hours before noon on
the morrow, the Lieutenant of the troops should go to
Hebron with a corps of Bashi-bozuk.
In the morning I sent to the Seraglio for further infor-
mation, and had the foolish message sent me, that all was
now quiet in Hebron ! — 'Abderrahhmftn had ordered all
the shops to be opened, and had even engaged to restore
tenfold of any plunder that could be proved against him :
— that the Mutesellira (governor) waa still at his post, but
that, nevertheless, a requisition had been sent to the Se-
riasker for leave to employ the royal troops of Jerusalem
at Hebron if necessity should arise, which was not now
Hkely I
Upon this the following remarks maybe made : —
Firstly. — That the mihtary force in Jerusalem, at the
VOL. I. 8
1
258 TROOPS NOT AVAILABLE.
time available for defence of the whole extent between the
frontier of Egypt and the Plain of Esdraelon, amounted
to—
1 . A full regiment of Infantry . . . 800
2. Bashi-bozuk, irregulars . . .160
3. Artillerymen 16
Total 976
Secondly. — That if the active employment of the
regulars should be granted, the answer could hardly
reach us in less than a fortnight, as both the application
and the response would have to pass through the civil
governor (Musheer) of Beyroot.
Thirdly. — That the Seriasker in Damascus was no
other person than Mehemet Kubrusli Pashk, the same
who, in 1846, had chastised 'Alderrahhm&n, with Mus-
lehh,.Abu Gosh, and others, but had of late mysteriously
become a supporter of the former, and had written him
a letter while he was lately in confinement at Jerusalem.
Hafiz Pashk read to ray Cancelliere a letter he had re-
ceived from the Seriasker, defending 'Abderrahhm&n in
the strongest terms, as a perfectly loyal subject, while his
accusers were traitors, etc., etc. ' Undet such circum-
stances what hope could be entertained from any appeal
to Damascus ? * said our Pashk.
With regard to the asserted reception by the Effendis
of 'Abderrahhm&n's bribes, the general reputation of
those personages would predispose to a belief in the truth
of the charge; but as for the prodigality of the sums
written down by 'Abderrahhmdn, we may believe it or
not as might possibly be proved ; perhaps n^otiations
with Bevroot and Damascus were included.
THE GOVERNOR TURNED OUT. 259
In a couple of hours after receipt of this assurance
from the Pasbk that the Mutesellim was still at his post,
the troop of Bashi-bozuk returned, escorting that ban-
ished functionary and his secretary, thus leaving the He-
bron district in unresisted possession of 'Abderrahhm&n
and his brothers : he himself had gone among the hills to
Dura, his own stronghold.
No written reply had been vouchsafed to the Pashk,
merely an oral message that 'Abderrahhm&n chose to
produce his accusations only in Damascus (for which, as
above explained, we can see the reason) ; moreover, that
he would only repair in that direction after learning that
the Effendis were already there, and then he meant to
proceed at leisure, round the south end of the Dead Sea,
by way of Kerak and Es-Salt, a journey of more than a
week at a common rate of travelling.
Meanwhile a Jew's house (Turkish subject) had been
entered and stripped. At the renewed application of M.
Pizzamano and myself, the Pashk promised to take two
companies of infantry to Hebron, and remain in station
there till permission for active service should arrive. This
was not done, but even the idea getting about that Niz^m
(regular) troops were about to move was sufficient to keep
'Abderrahhm&n within some bounds of moderation ;
though he still kept hold of the town and villages,
levying imposts under his own self-appointment, while
keeping up the pretence that he was still submissive to
the Sultan's rule.
'Abderrahhm&n was greatly alarmed when he heard,
some time after these incidents, that I had gone to Bey-
root, and he sent off his Coptic secretary in such haste
fi 2
260 \iaoBous measures.
to the Arabs ia the South, that he killed the mare he
was riding — ^it was found lying dead by the roadside.
Very little news reached us from Hebron for some
time, the terrified people not daring to supply us with
any intelligence, imtil, on the 4th of August, we heard,
that the enraged peasantry of certain places had risen
and were besieging 'Abderrahhmin's force in Hebron, he
being by that time absent in Damascus, and that several
lives had been lost in the fray.
*
Next day, Hafiz Pashk, feeble old man as he was,
headed some Jerusalem Niz&m for Hebron, viz.: 300
infantry with 150 Bashi-bozuk, and the two brass field-
pieces from the Castle-yard, of small size, but kept in
high polish. This force did nothing but show itself, and
so encourage the insurgents against 'Abderrahhm&n, and
thus his cause was kept down for a time. The wild tribes
around Gaza were also up and at war. Some hundred
lives were lost.
Afiairs in Nabloos, on the opposite side of Jerusalem,
now required attention, and a reinforcement of fiashi-
bozuk was dispatched thither.
While these little episodes kept us on the alert in
South Palestine, His Excellency the Seriasker undertook,
in the North, a rash invasion of the Lejah of the Haur&n,
during the summer of 1852, with a formidable expedi-
tion of all arms under himself in person, with the object
of enforcing a conscription among the Druzes, who, as in
all times of revolt, had left the Lebanon, and, associated
with the other Druzes of the Haur&n, had taken up that
impregnable position.
To aid in the expedition, the Jerood (plural of Jerdeh)
THE LEJAH EXPEDITION. 261
or militia without uniform, mere rustics from the fields,
were called for in every province of Syria and Palestine,
each district to be led by its native hereditary chief.
The event turned out disastrous to Ottoman prestige.
The supremacy of Turkey probably required that the
Druzes should be made to feel they had a master, if this
could be done; but it was incurring a fearful risk to
adventure an army into that very peculiar country where
no cavalry or artillery, scarcely any infantry, could move —
a mere trap to be caught in, so rocky as to have acquired
in the old Grecian times the name of Trachonitis, ' the
rugged,' or ' stony.' Common rocks, however, may be
mastered, but a honeycomb of rocks, where the march
is only upon the upright edges of the cells, while the
enemy lies within those cells, this is something uncom-
mon—
Hie labor^ hoc opus eist.
And such a honeycomb is the Lejah.
The Seriasker's (Commander-in-chief) army was routed,
in his presence, it is said, and four pieces of artillery
captured from him.
Such were the afiairs in the North — somewhat less
ruinous than befel Ibrahim Pashk there with his Egyp-
tian army.
In November I went to Tiberias to make enquiry into
certain grievances of the Jewish proUges there.
On issuing from the west gate of Nabloos, we met our
southern Shaikhs, Hhamd&n of the Ta'amra tribe, Arabs
near the Dead Sea ; and *Othm&n el Lehh&m, returning
from the Druze expedition, well bronzed by the sun.
They had been associatied. on the Sultan's side, with
3S) of Ne
they hai
ing bee
iisbande
take pli
le highv
ir home:
commoi
firing o
ablyhav
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iaira. H
vho beg{
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it waa
SQ comi
During
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ar army
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, each fc
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ed with
ween tl:
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it, the
OLD ACQUAINTANCES. 263
The coloured tents of the oflScers and the posted
sentinels enUvened the military scene, and amusing enough
it was to see the picketed horses, switching their thou-
sands of tails in straight lines, and swinging regular as
pendulums in the blazing sunshine.
With Ahmed Pashk, of the cavalry, I found 'Abd'ul
Hadi, the Governor of Nabloos, to whom the complaints
of the Jews of Tiberias were at once represented.
With Mustafa Pashk, of the infantry, a hardy grey-
bearded soldier, I found some mihtary acquaintances of
the Jerusalem garrison in previous years, and that
bigoted old Shaikh Ahmed Jer&r, of Jeba, who, two
years before, immediately on my entering his house, had
growled out, * So the Sultan is giving away all the land
of Islft-m, bit by bit, to the Christians.'
Old Mustafa gave me some interesting details of the
recent expedition, one-sided of course, and produced an
outline sketch of the Lejah labyrinth, with the village of
Edhr'a (ancient Edrei), made by a Hungarian officer, who
had ventured thither in disguise previous to the opera-
tions. It was a wretchedly deficient piece of work.
After the Seriasker's withdrawal to Damascus, this
camp had been formed at Samakh for overawing the
Jebel 'Ajloon, i.e. the high ground east of Jordan, and
for calling the poor Ghaw^rineh Arabs ^ to account for
having plimdered the wheat stores of the Government,
collected in that neighbourhood — so it was said.
The Turkish commanders also professed to be awaiting
* Aialifi of the Ghor, or Jordan plain, poor creatures, neither Bedaween
nor peasants, liying along the hanks of the riyer in hooths made of the
papyrus cane.
204 ORDER SOMEWHAT RESTORED.
a reinforcement of 12,000 men from Constantinople, in
order to renew the Druze affair after the expiration of
the truce — an incredible fiction, for firstly, Constanti-
nople was unable at the time to spare any military
succour ; and next, the winter was coming on, which is
always severe in the Haurftn.
In truth, no such aid did arrive, and the truce died a
natural death.
One effect of om- visit to the camp was that the petty
and insolent authorities of Tiberias-town, on my return
there, crouched before me with abject flattery. Some
years before I had succeeded in having the same men
displaced from office for maladministration, to the great
relief and joy of all the population, Moslem as well as
Jewish, but this time they promised to be good !
After a week's excursion about Galilee, we found
some ot the cavalry and infantry still about Tiberias,
glorifying themselves on their victories gained over the
miserable Ghaw&rineh, by capturing their stores of grain,
uiider pretence of its being the very same harvest that
had been pillaged before their arrival.
The incidents here recounted will afford some idea of
the state of Palestine in 1852, and matters did not mend
in 1853.
For a while Hebron was in tranquillity, and in April
I found the inhabitants reviving in spirit after the long
career of 'Abderrahhmftn's tyranny.
He had been displaced for the moment once more ;
the petty manufacture and trade of the place, chiefly
that of rude glass-ware, was resumed ; and a curious
symptom of the new state of things was described to be
PEASANTS AT WAR. 265
an increase in the number of marriages, for under the
old oppression 'Abderrahhm&n levied fees upon all wed-
dings, which was complained of as a tax impeding the
fulfilment of that important duty of mankind — ^marriage.
Yet in travelling westwards from Hebron I met a
shepherd leading out his flock^ himself riding an ass, with
a gun slung over his shoulder. This did not look much
like a poetic pastoral group, represented by
Ludere quie vellem calamo permifiit agresti ;
and farther on, all the peasants were found in similar
armament, for
Undique totiB
Usque adeo turbatur agris.
In a valley between Sen^brah and Dair Nahh&z we
were told of fighting going on ahead of us, but this time
it was against the Tiyahah Arabs (Bedaween), who had
come up from the Desert in large force.
At the latter place a consultation of village chiefs was
being held. So sending up my salutations, with a request ^
for a pitcher of water from the well, the information was
given in return, with their compliments, that Abd en
Nebi (the popular ' Azrael ') had been wounded in the
knee, but that the village of Bait Jibreen had been res-
cued from the invaders, thirty-five of whose corpses were
lying around it, including one of their best men, named
Amer.
We passed on to Gaza, where, next morning, some of
the slain Arabs were brought for interment. The rest
had been taken on to Khan Yunas.
In the Guza district, my k&wwas going into a village
A T
e water discovi
k'a govemmei
1 to the Turks,
^hs later a batt!
ir of Jeruaalei
lages, betweei
thman Lehh&ni
irnment had
trace of twent
e same time
&n {Siloam) — i
hoor. Betwee
ceeded in effe
ccess I The v
Dot desire a
tion throughoi
ipital itself.
267
CHAPTEE X.
STATE OP THE COUNTRY — Continued.
OoiiBulartoiir to the North — Protection of British interests — Moral influence
only — ^Tyre and Sidon — Lebanon — ^Excitement in Beyroot — State kept
up by the Pasha — Dresses — Keduction of Tobacco dues — Moslem grati-
tude— Sidon and Tyre — ^TibAeen — Persian Prince — ^Nazareth — ^Gkdilee —
Nabloos and Samaria — Retiurn to Jerusalem.
If the condition of things around Jerusalem was bad,
that of the country elsewhere was no better, as I had
opportunities of ascertaining, seeing that in those days
there was a standing rule of our Foreign Office that the
Consul, though holding his principal residence at Jeru-
salem, was to make occasional journeys about the country
for the purposes of supervising the Agencies in the ports
along the coast, for aflFording them instruction or strength-
ening their influence with the local authorities, also for
redressing wrongs affecting British proUgis in the inland
towns.
The limits of the Jerusalem Consulate at that time
extended from the northern boundary of the Vice-Con-
sulate of Saida, that is to say the river Damoor, to the
Egyptian frontier on the south, and from the Mediter-
ranean on the west to the river Jordan on the east,
having thus three Pashalics to deal with, viz., Jerusalem,
Acre, and Beyroot.
Had I not had public duties engrossing time and
268 PROTECTION OF BRITISH INTERESTS.
strength, but leisure for makiug antiquarian and scientific
researches over a country so rich in archseological and
other interests, the opportunities would have been most
advantageous for acquiring and imparting information of
such a nature. I did, however, what I could.^
At my first arrival in the country, in 1846, the Con-
sular Agencies were five in number, viz. — Jaffa, Caifa,
Acre, Soor, and the Vice-Consulate of Saida. These
formed our Cinque Ports. In 1847, however, the English
Agency of Jaffa was called a Consulate, and made, like
those of the other Europeans there, dependent on Beyroot.
On the approach of the war, it appeared desirable to
gain prompt inteUigence of occurrences throughout Pales-
tine, for painful emergencies might suddenly arise among
a fanatic and turbulent population, especially in case of
adverse rumours arriviog (true or untrue) about failures
in the operations of armies at a distance. It became
also necessary to estabhsh points of communication along
the main roads, not only for the above object, but also for
affording countenance and aid to travellers.
As, however, Europeans could not be got for such
duty in new stations without salaries, I obtained in several
places native correspondents, who became very useful.
One was resident at Gaza, one at Eamlah, and another at
Nabloos, this latter being an important post on the high-
way northwards, and always taken into their route by
travellers from Europe.
At Tiberias and Safed, where we had numerous Jews
* The English Oonsulate in Jerusalem is now curtailed to the dimennon
of the Pashi 8 jurisdiction, as then were those of the other European Powers.
The Vice*Oonsulate of Oaifa, nrviY^ in 1858, has alsb beian abojiBhad.
MORAL INFLUENCE. 269
under British protection, I required one person in each
place to be recognized by the protigis as my corres-
pondent, such as the other Consuls had had nominally
long before in those places. For Bethlehem, and also
Hebron, I relied upon occasional correspondence.
With these threads in my hand, besides the line of
seaports recognized by our Government, I possessed suffi-
cient means of gaining knowledge of the state of affairs,
and in most matters I had earlier and more correct intel-
ligence than the Turkish Governor could gain within the
limits of his territory, sometimes to his particular vexa-
tion, as he had rather that certain matters should be un-
known, or known only to himself and the officials, whom
he might be able to influence, directly or indirectly.
The only means at my command for protection of
the British subjects and proUgis scattered about were
what are termed moral.
Not a British ship of war was within hundreds of
miles of us. Prompt action through the Turkish autho-
rities was at the time simply impossible, since they them-
selves were helpless.
To know the country and the rural chiefs well, to
keep up friendly intercourse with all equally, unless
during flagrant ill-conduct — and somehow to impress
them with a belief that sooner or later England would
hold a reckoning with them if our people were molested
or injured — ^that the Sultan as well as Europe would
hold them answerable if Christians suffered harm, and
that I should meanwhile write down everything and note
all offenders — such a course of practice seemed the only
mode of securing British and Christian lives at that period.
A NIGHT ENCOUNTER. 271
Stead of passing on to Egypt, some deserters from last
year's conscription were put on board mider guard, and
we were told that she was to take in troops at Saida, as
a Turkish ship of war had already done at Bayroot.
We went northwards along the coast by Hharam,
Um KhaUd> and CsBsarea. After Csesarca our ride wbs
along a beautiful level, and we forded the pretty river
Zerka.
At sunset, just on passing the small islands, the full
moon rose on the opposite side, and suddenly there
appeared before us two wild Arabs of the Abu Shusheh
tribe, on fine mares, one of them canying a spear gleam-
ing in the moonlight.
The chief kftwwas unslung his gun and galloped up
to them, crying out, as usual on such occasions, *Shu
Dzul ? ' (What is the man ?) He had to repeat it three
times before they spoke, and by that time we were all
up to them 4
At length, however, one said, *Ashhftb' (friends),
which was more agreeable than if they had said, ' Jeet-
ak ' (I am at you), and so the two parties crossed each
other, but without complimentary salutations. We
kept on our steady pace, with deep shadows, pacing
monotonously in a line almost at the edge of the roll-
ing waves.
Next morning we reached Acre, the site not only of our
modern victories, but of many a rendezvous of historic
characters in old times, both before the Christian era and
afterwards. And if Granada be rightly styled ' El ultimo
sospiro del Moro,' just as truly may this place be named
, the last sigh of the Crusaders,' it being the latest post
AT TYRE. YISTTS. 273
From his own feeling of prospective prudence, how-
ever, the Agent neither selected the best nor even the
Itirgest house : he took one in the middle of the town,
unobtrusive to sight, but which had a good spring of
water within it, and for this he had ever since paid a
small rent to the Government there.
At Soor (Tyre) our halt was in the house of the
Agent 'Attallah, a luxurious residence open to the sea
breeze and free from bustle or business ; only the
plague of the most fulsome compliments, from natives of
all ranks, was so mendacious and incessant that a torture
of mosquitos or even fleas would have been a relief from
them.
In the morning (Midsummer's Day) came visitors of
the town. First the Bishop of the Greek Catholic sect,
that to which most of the COiristians there, our host and
family included, belonged. These people are of Greek
Orthodox origin, but in later ages they have accepted
the supremacy of the Pope of Eome under stipulations
for retaining their own vernacular language (Arabic) in
Divine Service, their own church festivals, and the old
style of Calendar. These were followed by the mer-
chants of the place.
The town of Soor has a respectable population of
above 2,000, carrying on a trade in corn and tobacco,
mostly with Egypt, a quiet, pretty place, where almost
every house has a garden and one or more trees in it.
Many of these are palms.
It is true that there are bare rocks at the water's
edge, as at Jaffa and other towns along the coast, upon
which fishers lay their nets to dry, but the present posi-
VOL. I. T
274 THROUGH SOON NORTH^V\\RDS.
tion of this new or insular Tyre is not such as specially
to warrant the quotation of Scripture for describing a
scene of utter desolation.
In Soor and Saida we found all ears eager for
news of the expected war. The idea was there as
everywhere that events must issue in being a trial of
strength between Isl4m and Christendom, during which
all Christians and all Moslems would necessarily become
enlisted, if not as active combatants, at least as partisans
of one side or the other, and sharing its fortunes : an
idea in which the parties of that district are trained from
their mother's nursing as sure at some time to come to
pass.
After Saida towards Beyroot, numerous coffee-stations
occur along the beach, which are kept by the Customs
look-out men, and are considered as some protection for
passengers against highway robbery.
At one of these halts just after Mo'allakah and under
the pleasant village of Naimeh upon the mountain skirts,
with its Maronite Convent, we saw a Maronite priest
smoking his pipe among the muleteers and common pas-
sengers ; he looked a clever, idle, and sensuously disposed
personage ; his talk was of mulberry trees, the price of
silk at the various seaports, and political news from the
seat of war.
At this village of JTaimeh was a large silk factory,
established jointly by the Ameer Easldn (the Government
responsible ruler over the Druzes and Moslems in the
Lebanon), and Shaikh Yusuf Abu Neked ; my companion
advised the priest to promote setting up a factory likewise,
and appropriate its profits to founding schools among his
MARONITE DISTRICT. BEYROOT. 275
people. He mumbled out some sort of a reply, not
worth notice if I could remember it.
We were now in a Christian country. Moslems were
but seldom met with, and my young friends (Christians)
rode first-rate animals, and carried silver-ornamented
sabres. At a Khan we got bread, olives, cheese, soured
milk (leben), onions and eggs, not forgetting the delights
of the summer water-melons ; there was a curious medley
too of travellers assembled, speaking French and Italian
as well as Arabic and Turkish.
We passed the well-remembered scenes and objects
of former years, such as the white villages sparkling
irregularly upon the hills, among them ShwaifHt, where
the Ameer Easl4n resided ; then the distant Jebel Suneen,
towering to the sky with its perpetual snow and the dark
pine forest before us.
Upon the beach we were assured by a tall fellow girt
about with pistols, sword and musket, that at that spot
in the morning, blood had spurted from his nose and
ears, the eflfect of heat upon the head. The weather was
very hot.
Arriving in Beyroot we found ourselves among scenes
much more animated and Europeanised than those of
South Palestine and Jerusalem.
There were new churches ; an establishment for the
Sisters of Charity ; the streets were named in Arabic and
the houses numbered ; only instead of being numbered
for the street, they were numbered so, and so, of the
whole town, by which it came to pass that I was lodged
at No. 7, Beyroot, the residence of a junior member of
the Abela family.
VISIT TO THE MUSHEER. WAR NEWS. 277
imploring aid from the more sturdy population there ;
arms likewise and ammunition were being rapidly bought
up. The Eussian Consul-General was away up in the
mountains for the summer.
After Esh^ (prayer-hour, about two hours after
sunset), I went by appointment to His Excellency the
(governor) Musheer, for a visit of ceremony, leaving
business for the morrow.
Oriental luxury, such as we are not used to in the
South, was shown in this Eamadan evening in the
strength of the summer season. We were received in
a garden profusely embellished with oleander, holly-
hocks, and jessamine — an arcade at the end being hung
with coloured lamps, a fountain of water sparkhng in
the midst, and the military band playing outside.
His Excellency Wameek Pasha was reclining on silk
cushions in a comer of the Ew&n, and we were placed
on gilded chairs obliquely before him, and supplied with
diamond-ornamented Chibooks, coffee in gold outercups
(zurfs) and delicious iced sherbets. Ameen Effendi, his
coadjutor, was likewise on a chair, and he spoke excel-
lent French, having resided long in Paris. He had also
once paid a visit to London.
Next day, at the British Consulate, I was informed
that a private letter from the Dardanelles described the
English and French Fleets as being anchored in Besika
Bay, having a steamer continually plying between them
and the capital.
During the afternoon of the same day we learned that
the Governor, Wameek Pashk, had summoned the
Shaikhs of the quarters of the town, and had rebuked
278 PRECAUTIONS AND PATROLS.
them for allowing a panic to gain ground at such a
crisis, and turning to the Christian representative he
demanded if it were true that his people were collecting
arms and ammunition ? The answer was ' Yes ; but
merely for self-protection.' Whereupon His Excellency
rose up in a fury and left the room, but Izzet Pashk (the
general of division in command of the Turkish troops)
followed, and persuaded him to return.
The result of the interview was that sentinels were
posted at the town gates to prevent the transit of arms,
but they were not to meddle with houses or persons,
either inside or outside of the gates ; and a patrol com-
pany was ordered to circulate . through the streets by
night. All this would be utterly useless in case of real
insurrection — seeing that the town walls were very much
broken in the intervals between the gates.
The fortress of Acre was not much better off, for the
garrison had been drawn off for Constantinople service,
and only eleven cannoniers remained to mount guard.
On that and the following night we transacted busi-
ness with the Governor at the Seraglio, but without satis-
factory result. The state of our reception was in no way
diminished. Among the refreshments served were ices of
different colours and flavours — in more liberal quantities
than in England — ^hard and cold, in beautiful porcelain
dishes on a large silver tray ; and as for conversation, no
harsh Arabic was to be heard, only soft flowing Turkish
and Italian. All disagreeable topics were avoided —
everything was delightful and polite.
What a picture this gave of Turkish official manage-
ment of troublesome business amid those troublous times
COURAGE RE^aVED. 279
— ^no loss of presence of mind — no hurry — all sweet, luxu-
rious, and serene ; indifferent to the fate of individuals
and communities, while believing in the ultimate triumph
of Isl&m, whatever might betide the fortunes of other
nations and creeds.
The next day was spent in visiting old friends and
antiquities. At night the town was patrolled by two com-
panies of twenty men each, with an officer, taking alter-
r
nate turns. At a late hour, however, the Christians were
singing riotously about the streets, — perhaps the Turkish
patrols had gone home to bed. The Christians still con-
tinuing to send off property to the mountains, the
Musheer wrote a circular letter to the Consuls to engage
their assistance in restoriag public confidence.
News arrived that the allied fleet off Besika had been
augmented, and that an attempted insurrection of Hel-
lenists at Constantinople had been suppressed.
During a ride to the Nahr el Kelb (Dog Eiver) to
see the ancient sculptures — ^Roman, Egyptian, and As-
syrian, upon the rocks there— we came upon a party of
Maronites^ at the coffee-station. They were vain-glo-
riously proclaiming to each other what they had done
before, and were then prepared to do, against the Druzes.
It was well that none of these were there to overhear
them.
My poor Moslem kftwwases seemed lost in such a
^ The Maronites (named after their teacher Maroon) are descendantB of
the ancient inhabitants, who^ being Ohristians, submitted to the Roman
Church at the first Crusade in the twelfth century. The Druzes a/e [so-
called] Arabs who took possession of their part of the Mountain (Lebanon),
then an empty waste, in 821. They afterwards adopted the tenets of Hakem
as taught by his adherent Mohammed Ibn-Ismail ed-dardzi, from whom they
have taken their name of ' Druze^.'
i
'a
\
UNEXPECTED RELIEF. 281
largely indebted to the Custom House when he found
himself thus unexpectedly relieved.
What was law for the British traders was, of course,
law for everybody else, though none had ventured to
seek for justice. Hence the delight at discovering that
the legitimate action of the Jerusalem Consul, on behalf
of the British subjects entitled to his protection, had
wrought out for all — Moslems and Christians, of various
nationalities — a deliverance so welcome and unlooked for.
Next came in the said Kadi, with a train of thirty
merchants, nearly half of them Moslems, who averred
that I had saved the town from destruction, for that the
commerce could not have subsisted for another year
under the oppression of the local authorities.
The chief export trade from Sidon is tobacco, grown
in the neighbouring districts; and the principal houses,
which are forty in number, have each some minor depen-
dant houses, so that at least 200 families had been saved
from impending ruin. Application had been made in vain
to the local Governors, and the Customs officers had threat-
ened them with vengeance if they should dare to complain
to Constantinople. X
It must be remembered that with the system of -
farming the taxes the local Governors have little or no '
power to redress wrongs inflicted on the population by
those who collect the revenues.
The merchants had then applied to the local Consular
Agents, but the Eussian, the American, and I think others,
being Turkish subjects (and therefore possessed of no
protection whenever they might happen to be out of
office), told them that since the English Consul had taken
282 THE MOSLEMS GRATEFUL.
up the matter— for his people, they (the Moslem subjects
of the Sultan) would be sure to get the same privil^es,
or exemptions for the arrears, as the Europeans were
expecting, when he procured the revision of the tarif
according to law.
The Consular Agents were themselves all traders m
silk and tobacco, and they thought it safer to i^^ait for the
help to come to them. The British Consular Agent him-
self and his family (the Abelas — of Maltese extraction)
were likely to be gainers by the abatement of the exorbi-
tant claims of arrears by ' una considerabilissima somma.'
After this party there came running in another Mos-
lem, named Hhaj Hhasan (he having been out of town
when the former deputation entered). Among other
things he declared that in the course of his business jour-
neys over the districts of Belad Bash&rah and Bel&d
Shukeef he had heard the native peasant children invoking
blessings on him who had procured so great benefits for
those districts.
This last effusion of gratitude referred to the recent
deliverance which had been effected for therfi fi-om pay-
ment of one-fifth, instead of the legal tax of one-tenth,
on all agricultin*al produce (in its raw state, and previous
to becoming an article of commerce in the towns). In
these districts the agricultural produce was, of course,
almost exclusively tobacco.
Here then, at Sidon — and this is an important town
— the Moslems were clearly in a friendly mood towards
the British Consular authorities, and I might hope,
even in spite of the excitement in politics having stirred
up such daogerous fanatical antagonism throughout
TOBACCO DUES AT TYRE. 283
the country, to- exert some infiiience in favour of the
native Christians. For the time the effect was excellent
and most opportune.
It is, however, grievous to have to add that the re-
joicing of the town was premature. The relief turned
out to have been only a suspension of the making up of
accounts, till the final decision should be brought from
Constantinople. The delay had lasted so long that the
people beheved that they had gained their cause.
My appeal to the Porte had nevertheless some good
effect. Claims were really reduced, and the Customs
officer was rebuked for his rapacity ; time was also
allowed for gradually paying up arreare, after which
things went on again in their old jog-trot of partiality
and shuffling.
Going southwards our next station was Tyre (Soor).
Here too we found the question of the tobacco duties was
making a great stir. There came to us a Tyrian deputa-
tion of the tobacco-traders headed by the Mohammedan
Judge (K&di) and by the new Governor of the town (of
course also a Moslem) to express their gratitude, and point
upwards to the English broad flag overhead.
Before we left Soor a public breakfast was given to me,
which was presided over by a Moslem merchant who had
benefited by the abatement of the extortionate tobacco
duty.
We were received in a court, trellised over with vine,
where jets of water were playing among flower-beds
and between the spreading foliage of banana ; pipes and
coffee with conversation wiled away the ceremonious
interval before the feast was served up.
TAX-FARMING EXEMPLIFIED. 285
had armed him with means by which he could coerce
into submission all who hesitated to pay his demands.
He could practically shut the seaport, preventing any
tobacco from being shipped, and thus throw the whole \
crop upon the hands of the peasant producers, while at
the same time ruining the merchants who were anxious
to export and thus fulfil their contracts in other places.
To get rid, even at a nominal profit, of their crops,
the cultivators had been obliged to submit to the tax-
farmer, while the merchants had also yielded rather than
incur disgrace through breach of contract.
I was told that the tax-farmer had so many relations
among the employes of the European Consulates in
Beyroot, that no one had been found to heed the appeals
of these poor people under the crushing burden laid
upon them in the name of the Turkish Government.
Besides the extortionate export duty levied at th^
port, the peasantry (native) had been made, as before
said, to pay one-fifth of their crops instead of the lawful
tax of half that amount, i.e. one-tenth on all agricultural
produce.
Thus matters stood, when a vigorous protest made
by my Consulate on behalf of British traders brought
rehef, not only to them, but to all. Christians and
Moslems alike.
Nothing could have been better timed for giving me, at
this critical period, a moral influence among the fanatical
Mohammedan population of a very large district now,
which I was able to exercise on behalf of the terrified
Christians, for their protection, when other means were
not within reach, for curbing the political and religious
X'
286 REDRESS THROUGH CX)NSULS.
excitement caused by the fever of the Russian war against
Turkey.
The above case will give some idea of the manner
in which duties are levied in the Turkish Empire by
rapacious tax-farmers, ugt^jinfrgcQigntly Christians, who
have bought the oflSce, and who enrich themselves at the
expense of the peasant population and of the commercial
classes in the towns.
The Imperial Treasury in Constantinople receives but
a small proportion of the sums wrung from the unhappy
producers.
Enterprise is checked, the resomrces of the country
cannot be developed. The Government and the governed
are wronged. This case also shows the effect of having
British subjects settled in the land, who through their
Consular protectors are able to claim redress against ex-
tortion such as is here described.
Redress given to British subjects in any one instance
is naturally followed up by a claim for equal justice from
other foreigners, suffering under similar exactions, and
then the native Mohammedans and others can no longer,
for very shame's sake, be refused some relief by their
own Mohammedan rulers.
The laws of the land are good if only justly admi-
nistered, and wherever in Turkey there are British set-
tlers whose interests are protected by an eflScient Consul,
there all other settlers and the natives profit indirectly
and share in the justice which, if granted to one class,
cannot in decency be wholly refused to the others.
After leaving Tyre, and on reaching the highest
elevation of our hilly road, we looked back to take leave
TIBNEEN. A CHIEF IN UNIFORM. 2B7
of the Mediterranean, and a few more paces brought
us to the fine view of the whole Belad Besh&ra, backed
by the Mount Hermon.^ Tibneen (one of the capitals
of the district) lay in my homeward route. It stands
in a conspicuous position, and was then the stronghold of
Hamed el Bek.
On approaching that grand old Crusaders' castle, we
were the observed of many beholders in gay clothing
upon the parapets, and soon our horses' tramp rattled
within the paved passage of the outer gate.
In the div^n we were received by a relative of the
chief, Hamed el Bek, surrounded by about thirty Shaikhs
of villages, who were paying their Bairglm ceremonial
visits, arrayed in bright c^jloured robes, with gold em - .
broidery.
All rose in silence. Water was brought for hands
and face washing, and incense was burnt as a compli-
ment. By my side I remarked an old man of dignified
deportment, but with a loud voice, of whom more will
be said hereafter.
After sherbet and coffee had been served, the Bek
himself entered in a uniform of blue and gold, which had
been sent him from Constantinople ; and we afterwards
learned that the delav in his coming to welcome his
guests had arisen from his wearisome efforts to get on his
uniform over some of his Arab costume, some parts of
the dress having got split in the operation.
He was a wrinkled old man, with a black beard, in
part dyed with henna, in honour of the festival. He was
1 Tbe Belad Besh&ra is the lifctle known and fruitful district lying east
and south from Tyre — prohablj * Ghdilec! of the Gentiles.'. -
ARAB BARDS. HAWKING. 289
introduced for singing ; their only accompanying instru-
ment was a small violin with two strings, called the
EeMbeh, played with a bow, and held downwards.
The preliminary tuning over, a discordant bawling
commenced, the simple air of the Keb&beh holding no
connection with the tune that was sung, but coming in
between the pauses — at least so it seemed to my poor
European ears.
The dialect of the songs was scarcely intelligible to us,
being the high poetic language of Antar and the Mo'all-
aKat,
Our host, however, who took pleasure in hearing
such compositions, and prided himself on his familiarity
with the desert Arabic, translated for us in a subdued
voice as they went on.
One song was in the form of a dialogue : —
' I have a mare beautiful and swift, she will run against the smell of gun-
powder.
If you desire to be a ruler of your people, you must give your son and
grandson hostages to the Turkish Paah&.'
< I will not give these as hostages to the Pashi, and yet I will be the
governor.
The Pashik is but one man, but I am equal to a thousand,' &c., &c.
It was to be hoped that in the above there was no
allusion to personal history. Then followed songs on
topics of war among the tribes, which after a time
became tedious.
The conversation then turned to the subject of
hawking, and I described something of our European
practice, knowing that in that part of Syria hawking is
a favourite pastime. The Bek invited me to share in
their diversion during the season : it is of two kinds — that
VOL. I. u
290 ANOTHER DAY AT TIBNEEN.
in which the small hawk (w&kiri, or, smaller still, the
derSj) is used, and that of the great falcon^ the Kott.
It is conducted on a scale of something like princely
magnificence worthy of the old feudal times.
I remained another whole day at Tibneen, glad of
the opportunity of seeing the personages and usages of
the people at such a time, when all information that was
authentic was useful.
The chmate of this altitude was cooler than upon the
sea coast. The niorning was misty, and it was a late hour
before Hermon (Jebel esh Shaikh) revealed himself in full
dignity.
The view all around was most magnificent, extending
northwards deep into the Beka'a (Plain of Coelo Syria),
between the parallel lines of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon,
with the castle of Shukeef apparently at its entrance.
Hermon lay to the east, with green woods intervening.
For a lover of sylvan sports, how much preferable
must be the position of governor of such a territory, than
to be * Prince of the Lebanon ' in Beteddeen, as that rest-
less political tyrant, the Ameer Besheer, had been not
long before.
Perhaps, however, he would not have thought so,
having his own special tastes to indulge.
During the Egyptian occupation (it is not easy to
invent a more appropriate term to denote their possession
of Syria while it lasted — till 1840), Hhamad el Bek, our'
present host, always held out against them, and fought
for the Sultan, in alliance with the Druze Jonbl&ts, his
not distant neighbours in the Lebanon, in opposition to
the Ameer Besheer just referred to.
NATIVE VISITORS. A PERSIAN PRINCE. 291
Hhamad el Bek fought a battle with his own cavalry
on his own ground, and afterwards assisted at Acre, in
our great affair there in 1840. Hence he was rewarded
by the Turkish Government with the rank of Kai-makS,in,
which entitled him to the before-mentioned blue uniform
with gold epaulettes, and to have a kaww^s oiBcially
in his service — dressed in Constantinople fashion.
This chieftain had no direct hen:s living.
The Shaikhs still remained, or rather, as some went
away, others arrived in their place, to pay their respects
on account of the festival. During the forenoon the Bek
gave his audiences, and transacted Secretary-business in
the Div&n ; but the tediousness of ceremony was never
relaxed, either among the guests with each other, or
between them and the host Totally unlike visiting
among equals in country mansions in England, this was
more the assembling of inferior chiefs to do a kind of
homage to their feudal head.
The highest reverence of all was paid by every person
to the old gentleman before alluded to as being seated
next to me on my arrival, and to whom the Bek pre-
sented me as Nas'r Allah Kh&n, uncle of the Shah of
Persia ; who, on the accession of the reigning Shah, Nas'r
ed Deen, had found it desirable to leave his country,
since which time he had taken up his abode as an exile
among these his co-religionists, the Met&wilah Shiahs.
This incident illustrates the way in which far distant
Eastern lands keep up knowledge of each other, and
intercourse, as in past ages, to an extent which we Euro-
peans are slow to realize and to take into account.
This gentleman alone was accustomed to sit in the
V 2
INDIAN DURWEESHES. A FANATIC. 293
remarks, which only qnhanced the fun ; but the Khan
began to doze over what he was not able to under-
stand.
He, however, woke up when some impudent-looking
Durweeshes from Lucknow came in, and were solemnly
saluted by the Bek. They squatted down in a good
place (as these holy men always do), and the leader
spoke some Arabic; they were all, however, more at
ease in Persian with the Khan. These Indian Moslems,
too, were strangers from a far-off land.
Strange for me to find British subjects within my
jurisdiction in such an out-of-the-way place.
During the general conversation, one of my company
mentioned the name of God, as indeed can scarcely be
avoided in Arabic speaking, on which one of the native
Shaikhs (wearing a green doak — the sacred colour) called
out, * Who is that talking about God ? I want to know
what you say about the Messiah. Is he God, or is he
not?'
My friend, apprehensive df some outburst of fana-
ticism among the Met&wilah, did not like this, but had
the courage to reply, ' You say that he is the Spirit of
God, and we say that he is the Son of God,' and refused
to say any more. Fortunately we were not liable to the
violence that threatened Henry Martyn among the Shirazi
Shiahs when this same subject was mooted.
The Bek broke off the topic by retiring, for the
afternoon nap, to the next room, whereupon all had to
rise in silence till he was gone.
Then several of the Shaikhs stretched themselves on
the floor, some in the LewS,n (alcove), and I in the balcony
294 JEREED-P]
where I was — all for the samt
heat of the day.
Before the rest had aro
and I walked round the est
marked a good deal of cnia
rabbeted stones of Jewish era
near the pool, of water, be ^
dependants, lay an ancient sarcophagus, with uo sculp-
ture whatever upon it, and the cover of it gone.
Towards evening there was jereed-playing on the
Maid&n (the casting the javehn by men on horseback)
on the open ' place ' or exercise-ground. The two
performers were slaves of the Bek, strong men and
less riders. The walls and parapets of the castle
hned with spectators.
The broken courts within the caslle were fiill of h
of the visitors, in open air of course, and it was ami
to see so many tails switching from side to side in str
lines in the bright sunshine, to whisk away the
The horses were of tolerably good quality, but the
of the Bek himself was, as might be expected, sup
in breed and show.
Hhamad el Bek (the chief) told me of a village a
hour's distance, called Serim, where the rocks are
forated with labyrinths much more than those of Sai
near Nabloos. No doubt that a month might be
spent at Tibneen, as there are many interesting piaci
visit in daily rides — such as Shukeef, Kaddis, etc., be
game to hunt in the green woods ; for me there woul
the study of the people — their history, and their reli
to others.
V
s
'N
JOURNEY TO NAZARETH. 295
Having to start early in the morning, I took leave
overnight of the Bek, and of the Persian Prince, exchang-
ing hhoda hajiz with the latter. Compliments are endless
with these people. We also parted from our friends of
Tyre and Sidon, who had beeii with us so far.
Our journey forwards was through a considerable
forest on our way to Nazareth. The Christians in the
district of Belad Besh&rah, which we now quitted, and
where they have no advocate between them and the local
rulers, amount to about 1,500 men ; they told me that
under Hhamad el Bek they were of good heart, but that
his rival, Tamar Bek, the ruler at Bint el Jabail^ was their
bitter persecutor.
Our next resting-place was Nazareth, and here one
day was suificient, affairs as they then were being already
known to me.
The Moslems and the Roman Catholics carried them-
selves less haughtily than before in regard to the native
Protestants. The latter include not only Nazarenes, but
also inhabitants of several villages around, and are a
fine robust set of men. Among a deputation of them
who came to visit me as the Consul of their missionary
pastor, and his house and school, was one man of the
village of Tura 4n, who told me of a Greek curate of the
village of Miijaidal (where he served a flourishing church),
having joined the Protestants, and reading prayers in our
Liturgy (the Arabic translation).
The Governor of Nazareth, Moollah 'Ali, had been
displaced for his conduct during the riot at the Protestant
school-house in 1852, in which his own son took an active
part; but he had since expressed so much contrition
! Protest
I DOW qi
moved
at th(
e the gi
family <
tooa. I
il of tl
QgtO Ti
Ottoma
estowed
r times
I rival c
I the aac
. Turks 1
off riva
J -Jirely dei
and subdue bj
others, keeping
no cost, but n
money which a!
for place.
'Abdu 1 Ha
and gossipped i
there, and exhi
Pursuing oi
hours from N
hour's halt at J
Nabloos has
lawlessness of it
SUMMARY MEASURES. 297
in the evening insulted our kawwftses for being in the
employ of Christians, they being our official guards, and
always necessarily Mohammedans.
They were punished, after a court had been held in
the open air, where the governor of the town and the
k&di (judge) gave judgment in the moonlight at our door.
The sentence of bastinado was carried out on the spot,
while a numerous rabble filled the street, or looked on
from roofs of houses.
This incident served to show what was the disposition
of the people in this town, even now at the beginning of
the war, and to what lengths they might go against the
few unprotected native Christians in the place, if not
checked in time. The lesson thus given was not lost
upon the Nabloos Moslems, who remained quiet, as far
as their Christian fellow-subjects were concerned, till the
end of the Crimean war.
It is of the first importance to stop the very earliest
symptoms of disorder in a population of turbulent Ori-
entals, especially when there is little but moral force at
command, as was the case in Palestine in 1853,
Stem and instant repression was the means successfully
employed for the preservation of order in these critical
times, when a very small outbreak of popular disorder
must have speedily raised a ferment in which many
thousands of defenceless Christians would have been in
peril of their lives, if indeed there were left the possibility
of saving life at all, when once mischief had been allowed
to begin.i
^ This sketch of the condition of things in Palestine in 1853, slight though
it iS; may perhaps convey to readers experienced in Oriental ways some
298 FIGHTING. THE WOMEN'S SHARE.
The whole district was in a very uneasy condition.
Next day (July 14th) we set forwards towards Jeru-
salem, a distance of twelve hours. Arriving alongside
the village of How^ra, a party of Moslems begged leave to
travel in our company. In explanation of their desire, they
pointed to a low breastwork wall adjoining the village,
in front of which, during a conflict two days before,
between this village and those of Cuza and Bata, seven-
teen people had been killed (five of them women).
The last-named village is scarcely three gun-shots dis-
tant from How&ra, and yet there was war between them,
though all were Moslems alike, and there was no govern-
ment authority to interpose and stop the bloodshed.
The loss of the women is accounted for by their
having been present to bring up ammunition to their male
relations in the fight. They also take part in the fray,
by exciting the men to valour by their war-cries, and
screams of reproach when deserved, stigmatizing the- war-
riors, if necessary, as ^kedeesh^ and not * aseel^'^ as men
ought to be. ^
Sometimes, as we were told, the w^omen will even
stand in front for the brave champions to rest their guns
upon the woman's shoulder while taking aim, and dare
the enemy to fire at a woman, which no Arab will do if
he can help it, on account of the disgrace which such an
act would bring upon him.
Palestine was in an unsettled state from north to
slight idea of the constant vigilance exercised by Mr. i^n, and of the
powerful inflaence which his well-known character for energy enabled him
to exert in preserving order in the land^ although at so great a distance firom
aid by material force of any kind. — Editob's Note.
* The Kedeesh is a pack-horse for the road — a sorry beast at best. The
Asedi is the high blood horse of the desert breeding.
THE WAR .FEVER. 299
south, from east to west. The war fever had infected
every petty tribe and clan, and the preoccupation of the
Turks, with their far greater business of war, gave our
people just the opportunity they desired for fighting out
all their quarrels.
As usual in troublous times, the wild Bedaween were
closing in and hovering around like vultures over their '
prey. These wil4 tribes were in some instances callecn
in by the peasantry as allies — some tribes on this side, /
others on that.
Panic ftmong the Chrisliuu — Pashi of Jenisalem nld and helpless — FlgbU
close to our camp — The attack at aunrue — Nightly prsparadotie for Sxbi
—Efforts to set GoTemment in motioD— Battles— Sbukh I
SnccessCul interveDtion — A Truce efiacted — A Oomet
Immediately on my arrival at Jeniaalem, in (
same hour, I had to receive accounts of the nei
log villages recommencing hostilities against eac
Meanwhile the Christians in the city were o
with panic dread of impending Moslem insur
massacres, and plunderings.
The Greek Convent had some time befor
currency to a rumour that there had been a i
Damascus.
The shops in the bazaars were closed, fami
shut themselves up within their dwellings, anr
frantically endeavoured to keep up each other's
by firing guns and pistols from the roofs of theii
Some were ill in bed with fright.
This had been going on for some days and nigl
the preceding day being Friday (the Moslem S
the Christians had made up their minds that the i
was to take place after the noon day Moslem pr
the Noble Sanctuary (Hharam esh Shereef, or
EuclosureJ should be over, and when the city wi
PANIC IN JERUSALEM. 301
armed peasants, who had come from the surrounding
country to attend the Moslem prayers.
Nothing of the kind had, however, occurred; but
such had been the terror, the extremity of fear of the
unhappy native Christians, that mothers had kept their
sturdy young sons at home from work, hiding them
in the hareems, while they themselves went trembling
to inquire of their European friends * whether all Chris-
tians were going to be killed on account of Kussia being
at war with Turkey, or whether only the Greeks (as of
the same religion with Kussia) would be murdered, while
the Latins and others would be spared.' The Jews also
took the alarm, and came inquiring what they were to
do when the moment for slaughter arrived.
In a similar panic which had occurred during my
absence the week before, matters had become so serious
that it was necessary summarily to check the growing
fermentation.
A Jew came running breathless to my country place,
where my family were encamped, as usual, in tents near
Jerusalem for the summer, to ask whether he might not
remove 'a little box ' of property which he had packed
up, into the walled enclosure where stood the British Con-
sulate and the Church.
This was of necessity peremptorily refused ; for the
bringing of this one * little box ' would have caused the
report to spread, hke wildfire, that the Consulate con-
sidered the moment of danger to have arrived, and the
crowding of frightened people with their goods, to what
they considered a haven of refuge, would have given
only too tempting an opportunity for plunder to the
302
peasantry,
the bazaars
What (
done to stc
and which
massacre and blood ? The only safe course was to pre-
vent the beginning of any such scramble, and notice was
therefore at once sent to my Cancelli^re in charge of tbe
current afikirs of the Consulate, who had proclamadon
made in all the synagogues, etc., that any English pro-
tected person, known to propagate alarm by announcing
an insurrection of the Mohammedans, should be impri-
soned for three days.
The other Consulates followed the example. The
terrified native Christians, being Turkish subjects, v
left to be dealt with by the Convent authorities, and
the impotent local rulers.
Thiis the panic was calmed, for that week at le
by the application of the Oriental maxim, that * notl"
will conquer fear but a bigger fear ; ' and the feai
certain and instant imprisonment served to neutralise
dread about what was still future, and might allow
possible escape. For a few days people talked
publicly about cutting throats and maltreating
Next morning (Sunday) I made a circuit to the Gr
Metropohtan Bishop (the Patriarch being absent), to
President of the Latin Convent, to the Chief Eabbi, i
to Eabbi Yeshaiah of the Polish Jews, and sent
Cancelliere to other leading personages of various desa
tions, exhorting them to allay the fears of the peo
THE DANGER OF COWARDICE. 303
respectively under their authority and rule ; for it was
certain that the excitement and foohsh proceedings of
the frightened people were affording the most du-ect
encouragement to those who, being mischievously dis-
posed, might not otherwise have ventured on evil designs.
We were informed of people having actually tendered
bribes to some of the Moslem inhabitants of Jerusalem,
to engage them to spare their houses when the time
should arrive for violence. The Gfreek Metropolitan
Bishop and the President of the Latin Convent did what
they could to calm the fears of their people, by preaching
sermons to reassure them.
The Turkish Government was literally in a state of
exhaustion at the time. The poor old Pashk was so
feeble that, on hearing of a scuffle between two Moslems
in the Sanctuary, he had been taken do ill that fears were
entertained for his Kfe. He had rallied after some days,
but was still all but absolutely incapable.
The mere presence on the coast of an English or
French ship of war would have proved of excellent ser-
vice. The paramount consideration was to keep the city
and the country quiet by any possible means ; for if an
accidental spark had kindled the smouldering fires into a
blaze, no help could be expected from Constantinople in
putting out the conflagration. Deplorable loss of life and
property must result if disorders were allowed to increase
upon us.
Tumult or bloodshed in Palestine at this juncture must
have complicated matters between the European Powers,
each of whom would of course treat this circumstance as
might best suit their own individual interests.
BULLETS WHISTLING AT SUNRISE. 305
My family and I were in camp at our country place,
called the T&libiyeh (which overlooks Jerusalem from
the western hill), exactly one mile from the City (Jaffa)
gate.
The Ain Carem truce between Abu Gosh and OthmS,n
el Lahhfi,m had expired during my absence, and the Pashk
(governor) of Jerusalem had persuaded both parties to
prolong it for fifteen days more, and had summoned the
two rival chiefe to appear before him.
Abu Gosh, wily as his name imports, (it signifies
' Father of Deceit,') had obeyed, and had come in to Jeru-
salem, where he made friends for his cause by bribing the
Efiendis all round. Othm&n el Lahh&m feared treachery,
and had refused to come.
The fifteen days' truce expired at sunset the very day
after my return, and the ' war ' was commenced by one
side seizing some water-carrying donkeys belonging to
the other side.
Next morning, just before sunrise, bullets were heard
whistling round our tents, and on looking out it was
evident we were in the midst of a battle of the above
factions, the Abu-Goshites fi:om the villages on the north-
west, and the Othm&n Lahh&mites, or Arkoob people, on
the south-west. Our place was just on the borders, be-
tween the two.
The Arkoob people irom Bait Saf&fa, a village in sight
on the crest of a hill below, were retiring in steady order.
Some of them had entered within my boundary-wall,
using it for a breastwork. ' Sabbahh-kum b'il khair' (good
morning to you), said I ; ' what is all this ? ' 'A hundred
good mornings, 0 Bek! we are waiting for the Lifta
VOL. I. x
>ple.(of the
■owl hurrah!
I invited tl
ewhere. Th)
lill and a stot
We went ou
; lifta advac
:)Ut 300 strong. j.„ -oo « uu^ >r.^u. ^ ^^^^ .^«n:; j^au
llik (Abu Qoah) men sweeping up in a wide crescait
oever halting a moment, but driving the others before
im with their dropping fire. There were at least 500
men engaged on the two sides, but firing at long dis-
tances ; the main part of that dliy's work, however, wia
already over.
The lifta men have an established reputation for
musket practice to sustain. The others (nearest to us)
picked up their wounded as they slowly retreated, and
suddenly a detachment of the Beni Mdlik, headed by a
horseman with a sword (all the others were on ft>ot),
made a rush forward and seized the position in t
quarry above, amid great demonstrations. This
gained seemed to turn the fortunes of the day.
At my side (my wife was there also), crouc
the rocks on which we stood and which had a
been the post held by our (Beni Arkoob) side, tl
an old Lifta acquwntance. We observed his h
be stained with blood, but this turned out to
his own, but that of the wounded comrade whoit
borne ofT the field. We asked him, ' What was t
of all this? ' he replied somewhat sadly, ' Do I kn
My horses had been meanwhile saddled, and
THE USE OF A WHITE FLAG. 307
Arkoobites being seen to halt and face about, the oppor-
tunity seeming to be a good one for mediation, I rode up
between the belligerents with my Cancelliere and my
Kaww&s displaying a white flag. Behold ! in an astonish-
ing short time both parties melted away, hasting to their
respective homes and daily rural work (threshing wheat,
etc.), dropping shots as they retreated. Each side had
two men wounded.
The sudden transition was truly Oriental, but by nine
o'clock A.M. it was in truth rather too hot for fighting
under a July sun.
On riding leisurely round by the traditional site of
Simon the Cyrenian's house to the village of Bait Saf&fa
(also in Beni Arkoob territory), we were greeted by
horrid screams of defiance from the women there, who
probably did not understand our intention. This.\dllage
was fiUed with the recent combatants of the losing side ;
and those strange heaps of stone, so often noticed by
travellers, on the plain of Kephaim — at the foot of the
village above named — were each occupied by a look-out
man perched up on the top.
We were not the only Europeans near the scene of
action — ^for, hke ourselves, the English Bishop and a
missionary clergyman with their families were also en-
camped for the summer. Their tents being close to the
village of Lifta, head-quarters of one of the armies, I
thought it advisable to ride round thither and enquire
whether any alarm had been felt.
I found that one of the wounded men had been car-
ried thither for medical treatment at the hands of the
X 2
children of all ages, and servants — living under canvas
among the trees, on the Judean hills, too far from the
city to reckon upon any assistance reaching them in
time had there been danger by day, while by nij
city gates being all locked, there could be no po
for even carrying tidings of any disturbance
Turkish governor or troops till too late to be
slightest use in saving life.
Yet here we all lived and carried on our d
life, and read, and worked, and wrote, while c
played around, and the horses were picketed un
trees. We walked out or rode, as it pleased us
indeed that the peasantry were at war with eacl
and that the Government were powerless to sto
from fighting. The facta were brought home to
sonally in no more disagreeable fashion than hi
DISTRESSED STATE OF THE PASHA, 309
described above, when our slumbers were cut short at
daybreak on a lovely summer's morning by the shouts of
the combatants and by the somewhat too close discharge
of their guns, seeing that the bullets whistled and sang
in flying past our tents. Sometimes the woman who
brought us our milk could not come because her village
was in the fight ; sometimes we had no fresh supply of
drinking water from a favourite spring, for fear the
enemy should seize the peasant's donkeys which bore
the water-skins.
These were our most serious inconveniences, and as
has been related, we could on the other hand hope to do
some good in doctoring the wounded and in separating
the combatants at least for a time, by some short-lived
truce granted ' in honour of the Consul ' who begged for
it, and whom none were willing to refuse.
But we proceed with the narrative. On visiting the
Pasha and the Austrian Consul for deliberation as to
how order could be restored, I learned that when the
aged Pashi had heard of the morning's proceedings he
was on his way to prayers in the Hharam (Noble Sanc-
tuary, or the Temple Enclosure), but, overpowered by the
intelligence, he had fainted away. Poor old man! his
position was a pitiful one.
News of the fight had been brought to town by a
Lifta peasant who had been sent to fetch two barbers to
dress the wounds of the combatants { Eflfendis had
then been sent out to fetch in the two chiefs, but with
the usual result.
At night we heard more of the war screams at a
distance in the villages, and also firing of guns, and we
310 NIGHT SCENES AND WAR CRIES.
sent in word to the Fashk : my people got the message
into the city by speaking to the sentinel through the
chinks of the city gate, which was as usual locked for
the night. The voices of some people were also heard
whispering outside my enclosure wall, but these were
possibly peaceable peasants of the village of Dair Yasera
going home by a circuitous route over our high ground,
rather than trust themselves into the valleys.
A company of Bashi-bozuk was sent out from the
city as a patrol, whom after some repose from their
fatigue of a mile's ride I sent on to the Bishop's camp,
to see that all was well. It was somewhat romantic to
have the officers in conversation in the silent night — with
their men holding their horses — at the upper gate, with
weapons glittering in the moonhght ; but their useful-
ness as protectors in case there had been any danger to
ourselves, we knew to be more than doubtful.
For two or three hours after daybreak next day the
distant hills resounded with shouts and dropping shots ;
but this was only evidence that the combatants were
withdrawing themselves to a distance further southwards
for their operations.
These war cries are represented in Arabic by the
word ' Sout ' (hterally ' voice,' and corresponding to our
word shout) when used for alarm calls ; but when a
hostile party approaches a village or a body of people
challenging them to fight, it is no longer called the
* sout^' but the waw^ and the noun is turned into a verb,
thus : —
A'Waw-tu^ for we have arms and horsemen.
A-waW'tUj for we will kill your men.
EFFORIS TO MOVE GOVERNMENT. 311
A-waiihtu^ for your women shall be widows.
A'WaW'tu, for your children shall be orphans, etc., etc.
Next morning we could hear the people mustering
in the villages (sounds travel miles in the clear mountain
air), but not a shot was fired : the rogues were drawing
off to a distance, west and south, to fight it out there.
A large body of the Arkoobites passed us in the direc-
tion of the south.
Notice of all this was accordingly given to the Jeru-
salem authorities. There was no great amount of blood-
shed : the peasantry don't much hke killing each other,
because of the heavy blood-fines, which have to be paid
afterwards.
During all these proceedings, as afore said, we felt no
alarm for ourselves : the ladies and children lived as usual
in the summer encampments, and the men repaired to
their avocations in the city, feeling that they left them
in security. The country people had no quarrel with us,
but were, on the contrary, making gains from our out-door
life, by supplying us with their produce, and on the other
hand the Turkish officials were glad to be able to report,
in proof of the tranquillity of the country, that we were
living so safely — making iu fact truth serve the purpose
of falsehood.
The French Consul urged upon the Pasha the
necessity of bringing the Arkoob leader, Othm&n el
Lahh&m, into the city, and we all agreed that another
effort should be made for that. object by sending to him
an mfluential Effendi (one of the native Arab noblesse) ^
Abdallah Wafa, with an invitation fix)m his Excellency
the Pashk, and that if this should fail, the Pashk should
THE
him I
' Ara&n wf
The F
connected
of Christia
In the
iaa Frand
village art
the Convt
territories of the beUigerent chiefe Othmftn , el Lahh&m
and Abu Gosh. The French Consul, probably conader-
ing Othmau Hkely to be the more effective Prote<^tor of
hia Christian cUents, took a decided part in his fav
Abu Gosh, chief of the opposing faction, and i
usual, had made up his mind that the Enghsh Cousu]
surely espouse the opposite side of any cause taken
the French — more especially as the French were
and the English were Protestants. But he had re<
without hia host. It was not the custom of the 3
Consul to favour any faction whatever, and raoreoi
and M. Botta were living on excellent terms of p*
friendship.
To send Othmfin a safe-conduct seemed the onl;
possible to be done in the helpless state of the 1
Government, and it was of immense importance to j
this little war from spreading and assuming more
proportions, aa it seemed likely to do, and that sp
In order to balance the south-western Bedaw;
of Othman el Lahh&m, Abu Gosh had already cal
■ So DMned iron the opening words of the fonnule,' In Uie
God and mperinten^etKc of the Prophet.'
THE PASHA GIVES A SAFE-CONDUCT. 313
as his allies, the wild Adw&n Arabs from beyond Jordan,
and others.
An influential relative of Abu Gosh came to visit me
and to represent the urgent need that some one should
mediate between the belligerent factions, seeing how
utterly powerless the Government was, and how impos-
sible it would become to quell the disturbances should
this become a general war among the Fellahah clans.
His Excellency did that evening send the ' Safe -Con-
duct ' (AmS,n wa Eai) to Othm&n, who took time to con-
sider about it ! Why should he obey the commands or
even entreaties of his Tiu'kish lords ! Was he not a loyal
subject of his Majesty the Padishah, and only fighting
against his natural enemy, Abu Gosh ?
Abu Gosh, for his part, made equally loyal protesta-
tions of loyalty, and laid all the fault of the disturbances
upon ' that rebellious Shait4n — Othmfi,n el LahhS^m.'
On hearing that the * Safe-Conduct ' had been sent to
Othm&n el Lahh&m, 'AbderrahhmS^n Abu Gosh, of the
opposite side, came into Jerusalem and visited me in my
office, making professions of ancient friendship, and saying
that if Othm&n, his rival, appeared before the Mejlis (City
Council), in obedience to the Pashk's invitation, he would
have to do so too.
For the Chief of a clan to appear before the Governor
and Effendis in Council, for decision of a cause of such
magnitude as this was, involves a very large distribution
of bakhsheesh among the native Effendis, as well as
to the Pashk and his Turkish officials ; and it was well
known that Abu Gosh had already, by means of his
purses of money, secured many supporters. Naturally he
314 ABU GOSH VISITS THE CONSUL.
was unwilling to repeat the process after so short an in-
terval.
My visitor (accompanied, of com-se, by a following of
his people, called by the natives, as in the EGghlands of
Scotland, his ' tail *) declared he was anxious for peace
and begged that, if I should see any of his people of the
Beni M&hk out again in arms, I should ride up to them,
and order them home, saying, ' Eetiu"n, my children, to
your place,' and they would at once obey me ; indeed,
added he, so desirous was he for peace, that when the
Bedaween — the Adwan from beyond Jordan — and the
Ehteimat from Jericho, lately came to oflfer assistance
— he had refused them ! He hoped finally * that I was
not going to change an old firiend for Othm&n el
Lahh&m, etc.'
I could best lectiure him on the enormity of fighting
now, when instead of killing each other, and ruining the
country, all faithful subjects of the Sultan ought to be
helping their master in his diflGiculties with the Bussians,
if in no other way, at least by keeping the peace within
his dominions.
It may not be amiss to remark here upon the curious
fact that these Native Chiefs were always pretty correctly
informed of the general course of European affairs. We
had often occasion to observe this, and had, moreover,
many indications that the Clan Feuds were fomented by
intriguers from without, who desired that the Turkish
provinces should be in a state of anarchy, if not of down-
right insurrection. To restore quiet by the mere exercise
of fi'iendly offices was no easy task, and yet it was impe-
ratively necessary that this should be done.
BEDAWY ALLIES. 815
Next day early more war cries were heard upon the
hills and a crowd of men and women were seen rushing
from lifta, on our right, N.W. towards Ain Karem (on
the West).
Fortunately the Chief of the Ta'amirah Arabs, Shaikh
Hhamd&n (a tribe occupying the district North-West of
the Dead Sea, up to near Bethlehem), attended by two or
three of his swarthy followers, had come to visit me at my
tents soon after sunrise. He, too, had come to represent
the urgent necessity for interference before the whole
South and West country should be ablaze, and advised
arrangements to be tried for an interview with Othmdn
el Lahh&m.
He and his tribe being, in fact, of the Wild Be-
dawy class, were accurately informed as to the move-
ments of the great tribes of the Wild Bedaween, such as
the Tiy&hah, who can muster several thousand fighting
men. He dwelt upon the certainty that, unless a truce
were brought about, these Bedawy allies — ^who had been
already called in on both sides by the peasantry— woidd
overrun and destroy the country.
None. but those who have seen it can appreciate the
devastation wrought in a few hours by these wild hordes.
Like locusts they spread over the land, and their camels,
only too glad to revel upon the luxury of green food,
strip every leaf off the vines, and devour, while they
trample down, all corn or vegetable crops, leaving bare
brown desolation where years of toil had made smiling
fields and vineyards. Nor is this all, for the cattle and
flocks are swept off to the desert by the marauders — ^who
leave behind, for the unfortunate peasant, nothing that
they can carry away.
31G SHAIH
Bedaween are, howe
tainoiis country, which i
travelling ground for th<
Neither do they hke to t
among the fences of cultivated land ; of their own accord
they would not have entered the Jerussxlem district even
at this time when there was known to be little or no
Government force to repel them, excepting in small
parties for theft. But once called in as allies by the
village clans, they could not have been got rid of but
with immense difficulty, and after the land had been laid
waste by them.
f It must be remembered that alliances between i.
' tied peasant populations and the wild Desert Arai
very ancient, dating back long before the Turkisl
quest of Palestine.
Shaikh HhamdJln, our visitor, was chief o
Ta'amirah tribe, who roam over the district South-*
Bethlehem, as far as the Dead Sea. This tract is
sidered Ta'amirah territory, both by the Gover
authorities and by the other inhabitants. The tri
several hundred strong and have relations with tl
tied agricultural population on the one hand, and wi
wild desert tribes of pure Bedawy Arabs on the
They live in tents, roaming from place to place
Bedawy fashion. And they have alliances vrith thi
awy tribes ; but they are unlike them in one very i
tant point, for they cultivate the land, sowing and re
and are in this respect like the peasantry.
The pure Bedaween, however, despise the Ta'j
for thia : ' Who but an ass would labour in the fi
ARAB ESCORTS FOR TRAVELLERS. 317
— and the Ffellahheen (regular peasantry) are contemptu-
ously called by the wild Bedaween, * asses of the world/
just because they are cultivators of the soil.
English travellers to the Jordan and Dead Sea com-
monly passed through the Ta'amirah district either in
going or returning, and the chief of their tribe usually took
his turn with the chiefs of four other small tribes through
whose districts the travellers had to pass, in furnishing an
escort of men for the safe conduct of the party.
From their point of view, travellers, by the mere fact
of entering their district as visitors, became the guests of
the tribe to whom it belonged, and were entitled to hos-
pitality and protection at the hands of all their people,
provided only that they claimed this protection, and were
willing to give in retiurn a small present to the chief of
the tribe.
The British Consul had, with the sanction of the
Turkish governor, arranged with the five chiefs to fix a
tariff of something less than a pound English money as
the present to be given by each traveller visiting the
Jordan and Dead Sea. To avoid disputes, the five chiefs
undertook the duty of escort in regular rotation.
According to Arab usage they then became respon-
sible for the lives and property of their guests, whom
they were bound to protect against all comers. All other
tribes were, of course, aware that any party escorted by
even a single man of these tribes was for the time being
their guest, and under the protection, not only of the tribe
itself, but of all those in alliance with it.
By this simple arrangement hundreds of British tra-
vellers were enabled to visit in comfort and safety these
318 BATTLES IMPENDING.
otherwise dangerous regions, even at times w^hen no
Turkish soldier or Government official dared to venture
thither.
Shaikh Hhamd&n was a fine-looking man, above
middle age. He was greatly respected by his people,
whom he ruled with a firm hand. He valued the good
opinion of British authorities, with whom he always kq)t
perfect faith, and he was feared and respected by the
. smaller wild tribes as well as by the peasantry of the
south country of Palestine.
The warnings given by one so well informed were
not to be neglected or passed lightly by,
I at once sent my head kawwfls riding after the
people who were going forth to battle, with orders to
turn them back, as their chief, Abu Gosh (for they were
of his faction), had only the day before requested me to
do in case of need.
We stood upon the high ground watching events.
One of us happening to say that probably there would
be no harm that day, because we had seen that the wom^i
were out with the men — * Are the women out ? * said
Shaikh HhamdS-n ; ' then depend upon it that means
fighting.'
On this, and seeing that the combatants were on
their way to the scene of action, I asked him to go and
do what he could. In a minute he had mounted his
roan mare, one of his men holding a stirrup on each side
for their chief, and away he went with his followers
directing ]iis course to the village of El Khuddr {Su
George's, near Solomon's Pools), to warn Othm&n el Lah-
hftra to keep his people quiet, and to dissuade him firom
AN AMUSING CONTRAST. 319
putting himself in the wrong by striking another blow at
the present moment.
The great thing was to induce Othmftn to obey the
Pashk's summons, and come to Jerusalem for a parley.
My kaww&s returned with the tidings that the Abu
Gosh people from Lifta, whom we had seen on the march,
were said to be only escorting their friends (the Saeedah)
in their removal to another village, Jurah. That seemed
a very doubtful explanation.
In striking contrast to the manly bearing and hand-
some equipment of Shaikh Hhamd&n and his people was
the next visitor who appeared at my camp, within a short
time after Hhamd&n had ridden off on his pacific mission.
Hharad&n was admirably mounts on a powerful mare.
He wore a robe of scarlet cloth ; on his head was a good
silken kefiyeh (shawl of yellow-brown and red stripes).
He was well armed, as were also his swarthy and clean-
limbed attendants, who also wore the aba and kefiyeh,
with sandals on their feet, kept on by a thong over the
great toe.
My next visitor was the Turkish mihtary com-
mander of Jerusalem, come to pay a visit of ceremony,
and perhaps to try and see something of the fighting
from the safe shelter of my encampment. His Excel-
lency rode a small donkey, and was attended by one
or two miserable soldiers in dirty uniforms and on
foot. This dignitary had lately found himself so httle
known and reverenced in the city that he employed a
little European tailor of the place to make him a uniform
with gold epaulettes, in order, as he explained, ' that
people in the street might be enabled to know him, and
320
to rise up ai
streets ! '
I went o
the Valley ■
miles from .
metits were
had been in
around them
Othnian el Lahhftra also came there and represented
to me the impossibility of his again trusting to any
Turkish promises or safe-conduct, after his own expe-
rience in former instances. Among the Arabs a ' betrayer
of trust,' or one who iU-treats a guest, is infamous ; but
the Turkish Pashks were notorious for their treachery, in
seizing their victims even at the very supper-table where
they had been by invitation partaking of hospitalities
designed to lure them on to their fate. The Arabs have
had too many cases of treachery on the part of Turkish
rulers to trust themselves in troublous times to their roost
solemn oaths.
I, however, at last succeeded in inducing the Shaikh to
consent to suspend hostihties and to obey the summons
of his Government, on condition that I should r
to it that the * Am^n wa Kai ' (safe-conduct of tl
was faithfully carried out
Early next day I repaired to Jerusalem
formed the Pasha of the fact that Shaikh 0
Lahham had given me his word to obey tlie sut
His Excellency if a safe-conduct were granted,
of my own assurance that it should be honou
spected if it was granted.
DISTRUST OF THE SAFE-CONDUOT. 321
The Pashk was quite ready to issue this document,
but now the Effendis of the Council — ^all well bribed by
the rival chief Abu Gosh during his recent visit to town
— ^were assembled in an adjoining room. They stamped
and swore that no safe-conduct should be granted to
Shaikh Othm&n el Lahham. They cared not how much
more bloodshed there might be in the country, nor how
much embarrassment might arise to the Turkish Govern-
ment, provided only opportunity were left to them to
enrich themselves by levying ' presents ' from both the
contending factions.
The poor old Pashk was so feeble that on a recent
occasion, when two men (both Moslems) had a scuflBie in
the mosque, he was overcome by fear and illness. The
attendants had to carry His Excellency out of the
mosque, and it was supposed he would have died. Now,
however, he roused himself, and, in spite of aU oppo-
sition, ordered the safe-conduct to be drawn out and
sent off, whUe he also thanked me for the help given,
and offered to keep me informed as to the progress of
events.
Shaikh Othm&n was not much to blame for his dis-
trust of Turkish safe-conducts, for he had once been
lured into the city by a former Pashk by a similar docu-
ment, then caught, ironed, and carried into exile, but he
had managed to escape when they had got him as far as
Cyprus.
The safe-conduct was written, sealed, and sent off
before sunset.
The next day was Sunday. At daybreak Shaikh
Othman and his train of followers made their appear*
VOL. L Y
322 othmAn comes to JER^SALEIL
ance at my camp. My Cancelliere accompanied him
into town, riding by his side past the sentinels on duty
at the gate ; and it was beUeved that, but for this pre-
caution, and had he been alone. Shaikh Othm&n would
have been seized and put in irons then and there in
spite of the safe-conduct, through the intrigues of hos^e
Effendis.
The conclusion of the affair was characteristic. On
the fourth day afterwards the two rival shaikhs came to
visit me, and to announce that the Fashk had made a
truce of three months between them. Damages in the
villages were to be repaired, and the inhabitants of thoae
villages which were divided between the fex^tions were to
be allowed to remove if they chose and live where they
would. The Pashk himself told me that this arrangement
was made chiefly with a view of getting a quiet season
for the annual collection of the taxes, the one object, as
it seemed, of His Excellency's responsibility and duty to-
wards his superiors at Constantinople.
This was a very usual conclusion to warfare of the
kind when settled by the Turkish rulers, whenever the
taxes were in danger, and showed the exceeding feeblene^
of the Government.
It was said that Othm^ el Lahh&m had been re-
garded as the chief offender, because his rival, Abu Gosh,
had made a merit of coming first into town and sub-
mitting himself to the council of Effendis. But these
were his partisans, and it was well known that he had
come with his pockets well filled with bribes for them,
besides which he had some time before chased away the
Government irregular horse from cue of the villages (Ain
CLAMOUR OP THE WOMEN. 323
Karem) ; and yet he pretended that his rival had been
the first aggressor.
However, the chief point was attained : fighting was
stopped, and this through our success in getting Othmdn
el Lahh&m to trust himself to the safe-conduct. The
Government had failed in doing this, though they had
sent out first a body of the irregular horse, then a de-
putation of the EfFendis of the council, and finally one
of the chief Mohammedans of the city.
The Pashk, of course, as soon as he had got Othmfi,n
el LahhS,m safe within the walls of Jerusalem, entirely
forgot his promise to let me know about the progress of
affairs.
This was of no great moment in itself, but it was
characteristic of Turkish doings in those days. So was
the manner in which the three months' truce was finally
brought about.
While the factions in the City Council were puUing
the old Pashk this way and that, according as it
suited their own private interests in the matter, a posse
of poor peasant women, whose village had suffered much
in the fi'ay, came into the open court of the Great Sanc-
tuary, just under the Pashk's windows. Here they cried
for justice, or at least for peace to be enforced. Findiug
all their cries were unheeded, they raised a shout for
blessings on the English Consul, who had at least stopped
the fighting and bloodshed for the moment.
On hearing this, the Pashk hastily simimoned the
council, rated them soundly for their delays, and for the
trouble they were bringing upon him when all this dis-
t2
324 IGNORANCE OF THE PASHX.
order should be reported in Constantinople.^ He then
called the rival Shaijdis before him, ordered them to )das
each other's heads on the spot, and to promise to keep
the peace for three months.
The Turkish authorities ought to have been thankfbl
for the aid afforded them, through the knowledge pos-
sessed by the British Consulate of these rural affidrs,
thanks to the honesty and correct information given by
my correspondents ; but it commonly happened that the
ignorance of the Turkish Pashks, and the falsity of the
reports which reached them, were more agreeable to the
old-fashioned orientahsm of their administration, and they
blundered on in the dark.
An amusing instance of the ignorance of our Pasha
as to the course of events in Constantinople had occurred
some months before. So early as the month of March
(1853), when the air was full of the rumours of the
coming war, our Pashk sent for my interpreter. On his
arrival at the seraglio the door was shut, and earnest
inquiries were made confidentially as to whether it was
true that Constantinople had been already taken by the
Kussians ! His Excellency was httle better informed as to
the course of affairs in his own Pashahc.
This being the case, I* was happy in being able to do
something for the preservation of the district from
anarchy. The bringing of Othm^n Lahh4m into the city
had been attempted by the Pashk (whose Bashi-Bozuk
had been chased away jfrom Ain Karem by Abu Gosh, as
he himself confessed to him), by a deputation of Effendis
^ It was a matter of common notoriQty that the leading Effendis were in
the pay of foreigners whose schemes they supported*
INTERVENTION NECESSARY 325
of Jerusalem, by Abdallah Effendi alone, and by the
Shaikh of Bait Jibreen, but could be effected by none
of them.
Yet I was not precipitate in attempting the task : it
was not till some days after bullets had been flying
amongst my tents, and I had witnessed the progress of
the battle, and seen at twenty yards' distance from my gate
a man with both his hands stained with the blood of the
wounded man whom he had carried off the field.
It was not till a peasant servant of my own had
refused, from fear of his life, to carry a basket for me
over hostile ground ; not till the Ta'amri Shaikh and
several townspeople of importance had assured us the
crisis was most serious, and begged me to do something,
that I undertook the office of inducing Othm&n to obey
the summons of the Pashk and trust to his safe-conduct.
Then I left him in the hands of his lawful Government.
Thus peace was restored and for three months to
come we might hope to live in quietness. Until next
November, at any rate, the Abu Goshites and OthmS.n
Lahhamites must refrain from killing each other, and by
that time rain would have fallen, and it was to be hoped
they would be too busy ploughing their land to have time
for fighting.
About a month after this a large comet showed itself
above the horizon, though not at a great elevation ; it
was to be expected that this appearance would, as in
other countries, augment the fear of impending disasters,
being an object that usually
* with dread of change
Perplexes nationa,'
326 THE OOMET,
However in ten days it retired, leaving the Turifsh
dominion to itself, in spite of all sinister forebodings;
during its continuance with us the visitor had been large
and bright.
327
CHAPTER Xn.
JERUSALEM WITHOUT A GARRISON.
Incursions of Bedaween — Our garrison of troops ordered off to the War —
French pilgrims — Oomet and omens at departure of troops — ^Moham-
medan yiew of politics and affairs — ^Fears of the Ohristians — Sir Hugh
Rose — Why the European (Frank) Sovereigns help the Sultan.
Our quiet was not of long duration. The village
people were stopped from fighting, but the wild Arabs
near Jordan — ^Nimm'r and 'Abd'ul Azeez — ^both of the
AdwSn tribe, were at war, and had enlisted allies among
the Arabs south and west of Jerusalem.
Knowing that the Turkish Government was weak just
then, the Tiy&hah Bedaween chose to march through the
Jerusalem district on their way to the scene of action
during the night of September 1st. Some 350 of these
wild fellows passed through Bethlehem ; and others slept
in the villages nearer still, eighty in Bait Jdla, seventy in
Bait Sahhur, others in Abu Gosh, while another strong
body went down to the Ta'amri tribe (of Shaikh Hham-
d&n) near Bethlehem, on the south-east, to enlist them in
the cause. ^ These wild Bedawy — or true desert Arabs —
were not particularly desirable visitors ; they belonged to a
very large and powerful tribe, perhaps 10,000 in number.
^ 1,600 men on 800 camels passed East of the Dead Sea, with 700 horse-
men, headed by Shaikh Ahoo Dahook of the Jahhaleen. Aboo Dahook being
thrown from his mare, left the army and retwned, fording the Jordan and
going home on foot alone,
328 mcuiisiONs of bedaween.
But there was nothing to be done, save hope that, as
there was no quarrel between us and Bedaween, n^oda-
tion might prove a sufficient defence in case these rovo^
should take a fancy to any English chattels either on oor
encampment, or at the ferm at Urtas.
This farm lay in the valley behind (south of) Beth-
lehem, about seven miles from Jerusalem.
Some hundreds of the Bedaween passed through tk
valley, riding their dromedaries; many of them rode
double as ready for fight — one facing forward, the other
backward — and they were armed with matchlocks of
primitive form, or with spears. Happily they did no
mischief, but passed on quietly. However we were kept
on the alert.
The next incident was that a body of the Ta'amra—
not belonging to the division of my friend Shaikh
Hhamddn — ^invaded the valley of Urtas in search of
water for their flocks and herds. The springs between
Bethlehem and the Dead Sea, to which these wanderers
usually resort, had failed early in the summer, and duiiflg
my absence in the north in July a large body of them
had come to Urtas with thousands of thirsty camels,
sheep, and goats.
This was the more natural, since in former years the
tribe had been in possession of the whole valley, and had
only retired in consequence of agreements made by the
British subject, John Meshullam, who had settled there
iu partnership with the ordinary peasant owners of the
land.
The Ta'amra had consented some years before to with-
draw from the lands imder cultivation in considerat^^^
COMPACT WTTH WILD AEABS. 329
of a sum qf money being paid to them, and hitherto the
agreement had been kept by them. But now, in this
season of drought, they remembered the perennial stream
of Urtas and migrated thither with their cattle.
Terrified at the idea of these swarms of camels and
goats overrunning his green and luxuriant crops, Me-
shullam appealed to the Consulate for protection.
My Cancelli^re in charge (during my absence in the
north) applied to the Pashk, who sent out a couple of
Bashi-Bozuk to defend the farmer and his family and his
crops. But when the thirsty troops came on and their
wild Arab owners clamoured and brandished sticks, the
soldiers hid behind rocks at first, and then fled away to
Jerusalem.
On this MeshuUam treated with the chiefs of the
wild Arabs themselves, and invited them to a Parliament
with the British Cancelli^re. About forty of the leaders
attended the conference thus arranged, and an agreement
was drawn up, according to which a wall breast-high was
to be built at a certain point in the valley.
MeshuUam engaged to turn the stream of water
thither, that the Arabs might regularly water their cattle.
They, on the other hand, promised to abstain fi:om pass-
ing beyond this point, and to keep their cattle irom tres-
passing upon the cultivated part at the other side of the
boundary wall.
This agreement they kept, to their credit be it spoken,
not allowing camel, or goat, or hungry child to trespass
in the gardens, now fiiU of vegetables and finiit, which
were of course the greatest possible temptation to these
desert people and their cattle.
SSO WAK DECLABED.
Clearly the Turkish Government could neither have
kept these Arabs back, nor could they have punished
them in case of trespass. But the people had the idea
that an agreement made with an Englishman must be
kept, and in this idea, and their own sense of honour, was
our strength. The coimtry was overrun by wild Arabs
of one kind or another, yet Europeans remained unmo-
lested, excepting that one night the French post courier,
coming up from Jaffa, was stopped and wounded near
Bamlah. His box was opened, but no letters were taken.
It soon appeared that though the Ta'amra Arabs were
willing to keep their bargain with us, they were not dis-
posed to spare the fruits and vegetables belonging to the
peasantry of the village, and one day a swarm of them
fell upon the fruit-trees, which they soon stripped. I,
however, succeeded in arranging another conference be-
tween both parties at Bethlehem, at which these wild
fellows actually agreed to abstain from even the fruits
belonging to the villagers, and they did so abstain during
the rest of that season. The affray had been serious
enough whUe it lasted, and heads had been broken,
though no one had been killed on either side. This was
fortunate, as the loss of one life might have involved the
most serious consequences.
In the midst of these little occurrences came the news,
on September 7, that in Constantinople the divan of the
Porte had resolved on war against Kussia, by a vote of
fifty-six members out of sixty-one. Also, that our gar-
rison of regular troops was ordered to leave Jerusalem
and proceed to Constantinople for active service.
We were therefore to be left to our own resources ;
WOULD-BE POLrnOIANS. 331
all Palestine was to be evacuated of military forces ; and
that, too, after the recent proofs of anarchy among the
rural clans, and with Bedawy Axabs overrunning the
country.
One thing, however, was certain: we must put a
bold face on the matter, rely upon Providence and our
own energies, and try to keep the country quiet some-
how.
The French and Prussian Consuls having now re-
turned (the others were absent still), I went to talk over
matters. Of course each viewed the prospect of affairs
through different spectacles.
Other would-be pohtidans among us were decidedly
of opinion that the Turkish Empire was at last extin-
guished, and that Palestine was to be handed over to
Prussia for occupation and possession, that being a neutral
Power, not deeply committed like the greater Powers to
any line of action that could provoke collision among
them, and having no direct interest beyond Turkey in
the East, as England had.
These folk were, however, Uke the unfortunate native
Christians, in no little fright as to what might happen in
Jerusalem long before any great Power could think of
helping us.
the great Moslem festival of Korban Bair^ was
now at hand. Each family, if possible, kills a sheep for
this feast. Crowds of desert Arabs came, during the two
days preceding the festival, with sheep for sale. The
Maid&n, or public place N.W. of the Jaffa Gate (now
covered with the great Bussian buildings)^ was crowded
with wild-looking strangers,
332 TRANSPORT OF TROOPS.
Everybody was excited, everybody talked of war. Yet
all went off quietly.
The castle guns fired the usual salutes. The usmai
visits of ceremony were paid by us to the Turkish Pasha,
and to the Bin-Bashi in command of the soldiers. This
officer said that he was eager to get at the Rusaians, as
he had done at Shumla twenty-five^ years before. During
our visit we could see the soldiers packing up for de-
parture.
The Moslems were circulating a rumour that the
Shereef of Mecca was coming to defend the Holy CSty.
Jerusalem, and its Hharam (Sanctuary), ^th 100,000
Arabs; they were to arrive along the Hhaj road by
Ma'an. This announcement was clearly a ruse of the
Pashk to keep up the confidence of the people.
By the 16th day of September His Excellency the
Pashk was in much tribulation, irom difficulty of getting
horses, mules, etc., for transport of the military baggage
to the coast. A troop of thirty Bashi-Bozuk had been
scouring the villages for a week past, but all animals had
been hidden in caves at a distance by their owners, in
anticipation of the Government requisition, which they
hoped thus to evade. Another party of horse had been
out for two days on the same errand, and had returned
with only five camels.
There was a party of French pilgrims in Jerusalem
at this time. All were persons of respectable social
position— very different from the low-class Greek and
Armenian pilgrims who repair to the holy fire at Easter.
These were forty in number, five of whom were ecde-
.^
FRENCH PILGRIMS. 333
siastics; one of the latter was Abb^ Bargis, Hebrew
Professor at the Sorbonne.
They observed all due forms and ceremonies in their
^ pilgrimage. On first coming in view of the Mount of
Olives, which shows itself before the Holy City is seen,
they dismounted for prayers, and did the same shortly
after, on perceiving the town of Bethlehem, and again,
once more, on obtaining the first view of the gray old walls
of Jerusalem ; there they remained an hour and a half.
On the Maiden they were welcomed by the Sisters
of Charity, the Seminary students, and others.
They mostly wore the white burnoose, copied from
the Arabs of Algeria (then, as now, a French possession),
and each had a small gilt cross that was bestowed on
him by the Bishop of Marseilles on their embarkation.
After visiting the sanctuaries of Jerusalem and Beth-
lehem, they were escorted over the country to other
holy places, and were hospitably received in the several
convents.^
The French pilgrims all wore their gold cross at their
button-hole. The Koman CathoUcs here said that, though
^ In ftfter years similar convoys of devout visitors became frequent.
The Austrians copied the French precedent^ embarking their people at Trieste
in the Austrian Lloyd's Mess^igeries packets. The Convents became weary of
such exhausting visitations, and complained that their funds, and even their
lodgings, were not sufficient to provide the supplies needed. It is moreover
probable that my information was correct that pilgrims of this class were
more exacting than the Easter pilgrims ; and although most of them made
presents at parting, these were perhaps not always equal to the expenses
incurred by the Convents for the pUgrims, their servants and their muleteers.
The French, moreover, were apt to conduct themselves as * Protectors of
Christianity in the East.' These remarks I heard in the Monasteries — but
not applied to this present party.
334 BAOGAGE MCIJS8 tX BBQUBST.
the conductor of the pilgrims was a worthy Maltese Bonum
Catholic, who had lived some years in Jemsalem, the
idea of setting on foot these pilgrimages did not originate
with him, but had * another source/ They said there had
been no such assemblage of French in Jerusalam since the
Crusades, and were, in fact, greatly excited on the subject
This party of French pilgrims was just starting for
the Jordan and Dead Sea, when the Pasha applied to me
• to reason with their conductor, who being a Maltese,
was a British subject.
On my doing so, the gentlemen consented to go on
the rougher conveyance of camel, lending their hired
animals to the soldiers, on condition of having them again
when they should return to the city on the third day ;
for they all felt (what their Consul had impressed upon
them) the necessity of fadlitating military operations.
So a contract to that effect was signed and sealed in the
British Consulate between the Maltese purveyor and the
Turkish authorities, and all parties were content.
The Turkish Bin-Baahi (Major) came to take leave
before marching for the war, and at the same time a
group of the Dehaidah Arabs, the escort of these French
gentlemen for the Jordan expedition, were seated under
the office window of the British Consulate, arrayed in
new dresses and gay silken kefiyehs for the head.
It was pleasant to have been once more able to
arrange matters comfortably for so great a variety of
applicants — the Turkish Government and troops, the
native owners of the beasts of burden, the French pilgrims
and their wild Arab escort, and our own British subject
the Maltese, who stood as link between them all and my
OVERTtKES OF ABU OOSH. 335
Consulate, he being the responsible head and organizer of
the pilgrim party.
Thus much for the military movements consequent
on the outbreak of war.
Next day the old fox, 'Abderrahhmftn Abu Gosh,
came to assure me that the country was quite ready for
action, armed, and only waiting for the Enghsh to give
them the signal on the approach of the Muscovites, (fie
had probably said the same thing already, or was on his
way to say it, mutatis mutandis^ at the French Consulate.)
And he hinted that the Jerood (levie en masse) of the
peasantry would have to be fed and paid. Then, when
the enemy drew near, he would show me pretty play of
his men in the Wadi Ali — ^that is, in the narrow pass
between Bamlah and Jerusalem.
So I could do no less than promise to go out and
witness the wondrous spectacle. I did not speak of the
possibihty that his Jerood might be scattered like chaff
before the wind ; but perhaps my promise itself was an
over-rash one, because the circumstances might not then
allow of my being in the country. (Before now the Bri-
tish Consul had been obliged to leave on the outbreak
of war.) A Hah hilirl for himian sagacity was certainly
at fault, and the Moslem was at least in the right with his
creed of resignation (Isl&m) to the providence of Heaven
above — no, that is not the word ; for a Moslem would
never imagine any providence to exist in the imperso-
nality of * Heaven ; ' his resignation would be to the wiU
of a personal God in everything, but especially to what
concerned the territory known as the Daru'l Islam (Mo-
hammedan territory).
336 DEPARTURE OF THE TROOl^.
The VTew would of course partake in the same reli-
gious sentiment, but then he was no party in the coming
conflict.
At last all preparations were complete ; and on tk
19th the BattaUon (Taboor of 800), that is to say, all the
infantry we had, mostly new levies fix)m elsewhere—
cavalry we never had any — ^marched away firom Jeru-
salem, as mentioned at the commencement of Chapter L
They issued from the Jafia Gate, with the green and
scarlet religious banners of Nebi Daood (i.e. the bamiers
preserved at the Sanctuary of Nebi Daood — the tomb of
the Prophet David on Mount Zion), borne before them,
as well as their regimental colours.
They ha;lted on the Maid&n {Place\ where the Pashi
and all the Mohammedan civic authorities were already
placed. The Kadi recited a solemn Litany, to each clause
of which the Moslem spectators, as well as the soldiers,
responded * Amen I '
Then, after a repetition of the grandiose Fathhah (die
opening chapter of the Kor^n), the military and their
relatives fell to kissing each other ; of course no women
were present ; and lastly, the fatal word of command
was given ; no shouting followed, only the solemn silence
of resignation, as the last tramp was heard, and the spec-
tators returned home, pondering over the imf)recedented
state of the coimtry, and unable to foresee what might
next occur on the part of Tiurkish administration, or even
on 'the parts of the several European Governments, in
reference to Jerusalem and Palestine.
One of the Effendis, in conversation with me, brought
out his recollection of the comet of a month previous.
OMENS. POPULAR FEELDSra 337
He might just as weU, if he had known it, have referred
to the fact of Saturn being then the dominant planet in
the Zodiac, and Venus and Jupiter declining in the west
at sunset; for I believe that Turkish astrology would
accord with the European of old times as to those omi-
nous positions of the greater planets.
The Pashk had lately been found consulting an astro-
loger as to the Eussian prospects of success.
It was amusing to observe the small indications of
interest in the war among the people.
Eussian coin had been very common in the bazaars
for the last two years, being circulated by the Greek
Convent, who had been spending very freely upon their
agricultural works and buildings. Indeed, Eussian gold
was almost the only gold to be seen in the bazaars. But
now, the day before the departure of the battahon, a
poor Jew offered an Imperial to a Moslem dealer; the
latter took it, spat upon the coin, and threw it at the
Jew's head.
The Eussian coinage then disappeared for a while
from circulation. x
Again, the Turks were acquainted of old with the
Eussians as warlike neighbours, and the Commandant,
before leaving with his soldiers, was threatening to march
straight on to *Petropol;' whereas the Arab Effendis
inquired, ' Who are these upstart Eussians ? We have
heard of the French, and English, and Germans, as being
honourable foes of Salfihh ed Deen (Saladin); but who
are these dead dogs with burnt fathers — the Eussians ? '
The humbler part of the population, in walking back
to the city (others had been on horseback), observed with
VOL. I. 55
338 mEPFlCIENT OARRISOX.
more curiosity that, immediately after the disappearance
of the troops, four very large columns of sand in the air
arrived from the Western quarter, and dashed themselves
against the stubborn old castle (Tower of David). These
they supposed to represent the principal European Powers
approaching, but whether in friendship or in hostility —
^ praise be to Him who knoweth ! ' Should the intent be
unfriendly, the omen was satisfactory in predicting their
discomfitiure.
A sketch has thus been given of the internal state of
Palestine during the period shortly preceding the depar-
ture of oiu: battahon.
The city was now garrisoned by seventeen peasants
in gunners' uniform, just drilled enough to be able to fire
the cannon if necessary. For active operations we had the
Bashi-Bozuk horse, whose principal troop had been, three
weeks before, driven from the village of Ain Karem to
the very gates of Jerusalem by a handful of peasants —
the officer who commanded them on the occasion being
the same who, some months ago, allowed a notorious
robber to escape from him while he was saying his
prayers, the prisoner having his hands bound at the
time.
The fortifications of Acre were in a sad state of dis-
repair ; there, too, there was no garrison, but a good deal
of gunpowder in the magazines, though without a light-
ning-rod.
At Jaflfa was a good store of ammunition in a broken
old tower in the middle of the streets, to the great danger
of the inhabitants. The Moslems were persuaded that,
after Constantinople, Jerusalem was the next point aimed
MOSLEM VIEW OP THE SITUATION. 339
at by Eussia, and were accordingly wanning up alliances
among old factions long divided, and the village chiefs
were conununicating with the Desert tribes.
The country was fully armed, every fellahh (peasant)
having his sword in his girdle, and his long gun at his
back. Gunpowder they made for themselves out of char-
coal, sulphur, and nitre of the coimtry.
But we felt that the patriotism which would certainly
animate the population to fight to the last against an
invader, existed mostly outside of Jerusalem ; for in the
Council of Eflfendis there existed ' a nest of hollow
bosoms ' capable of selling the city and the Mosque of
Omar itself for money.
According to the point of yiew from which the Mo-
hammedans and the dwellers in Jerusalem regarded
European politics, the nations and states were classed
according to the religions which they severally professed.
Of course Eussia (with Greece) stood at the head of
Eastern Christendom ; while France took precedence of
Austria, Bavaria, Spain, Sardinia, Belgium, &c., which
were all included under the general name of Frank or
Latin Christians, i.e. the Western Church.
That Western Church, with all its political influence,
was regarded by the Ottoman Government as the grand
counterpoise to the Eastern Church, and was (and still is)
the refuge and resort of Turkey in defending herself
against the aggressions of Eussia under the specious pre-
text of succouring the oppressed Christians under Turkish
rule.
The Greeks, for whom this championship was chiefly
assumed by Eussia, had no choice or voice in th<^ matter.
je2
340 PAINFUL POSITION OF THE CHMSHANS.
They (as well as the Armenians) professed, and in many
cases very sincerely, to be loyal subjects of the Sultan,
under whom they enjoyed greater liberties than they
could ever hope for should they pass under the rigid
despotism of Bussia.
The Greeks and Armenian subjects of the Sultan were,
indeed (as well as all the Eastern Christians), in a most
painful predicament whenever it suited Eussda to declare
a crusade against their sovereign the Sultan — because
they were liable, both during the war and in case of the
Eussians being defeated, to have visited upon themselves
all the injuries which Eussia might inflict upon Turkey,
ostensibly in their name and on their behalf.
The only hope of these Oriental Christians lay in the
possible alliance of the Western Powers, and above all of
England with the Sultan. Such an alliance would at once
deprive the war of its most dangerous characteristic,
namely, that of a Holy War between all Christendom on
one side, and all Isl4m on the other.
That England might step in, as a Christian Power —
wholly impartial, and having no conquests or auns of her
own in connection with the feuds between the Eastern
and Western Churches about possession of the Holy
Places, and that England, known hitherto as the practical
friend and protector of oppressed people, Christians as
well as others, might, by rendering the Sultan timely aid,
acquire a right to claim real liberty, both civil and re-
ligious, for the Sultan's subjects — this was the ardent
prayer and hope of the poor trembling Christians in Tur-
key ; and not only the Christiaiis desired it might be so,
but also the Jews and Moslems, who knew by experience
Snt HUGH ROSE. 841
that hitherto Lord Fahnerston, Lord Stratford de Red*
cliffe, and every true Englishman m the British service,
had exerted the immense prestige and influence of Eng-
land with invariable success for the relief and emancipa-
tion from tyranny of all classes and creeds of the subjects
of the Sultan of Turkey.
When, in March 1853, Sir Hugh Eose ^ called the
British fleet up to Vourla Bay, the frightened Christians
began to hope that England would take an active part in
the war.
Sir Hugh Eose was well known all over Syria. He
had been for several years British Consul-General in
Beyroot. Europeans knew him as Colonel Bose, but to
the natives he was and is to this day ' The Coronel ' —
the gallant officer who was ever ready to come forward
as the champion of the distressed, be they who they
might — ^Druse, Maronite, Moslem, or Jew.
Colonel Eose's forced marches to and from Damascus
— ^in days when there were no roads across the Lebanon
— in order to obtain justice when nothing short of his
personal interference could have obtained it ; his splendid
rescue from slaughter of hundreds of old men, women,
and children when, during the Lebanon war of the period,
he brought a column of defenceless Christian people into
* safety, marching the whole day at their head and giving
up his own horse for the sick while he went on foot ; his
conduct in visiting the sick and dying when cholera was
ravaging the Lebanon in 1848, and when a general panic
had so overcome the natives that men feared to remain
by their nearest and dearest relations when stricken by
' Now Lord StmtliiiMni,
342 THE BRITISH FLEET CALLED UP-
the pestilence — all these things and a thousand leass
instances are told all over the Lebanon in affectionate
remembrance of * The CJoronel/
And as for the Turkish Pashks, they knew that the
British Consul-General was a man not to be trifled with,
and behaved accordingly.
When it became known in 1852 that Colonel, then
Sir Hugh Eose was Chargi d!Af aires in Constantinople,
people felt that British and Christian interests were in
safe hands.
When the news came that he had called up the fleet,
men said that was just what might have been expected of
him.
Mr. Kinglake, in his * Invasion of the Crimea,' vol. i.,
thus describes this action of Sir Hugh Eose : —
* Prince Mentschikoff began the duties of his mission
and he so acted as to make men see that he was charged
to coerce and not to persuade. With his whole embasy
he went to the Gtrand tier's apartment at the Porte, but
refused to obey the custom which imperatively required
that he should wait upon Puad Effendi, the Minister for
Foreign Affairs. With him, as it was understood, the
Ambassador declined to hold intercourse. Puad Eflfendi,
the immediate object of the aflfront, was the ablest mem-
ber of the Government. He instantly resigned his office.
The Sultan accepted his resignation. There was a pani^
It was understood that Prince Mentschikoff was going
to demand terms deeply humiliating and injurious to
the Sultan, and that a refusal to give way would be
followed by an instant attack.
' The Grand Vizier believed that the mission, ikr from
MASSAOBE OF CHRISTIANS AYEBTED. 343
being of a conciliatory character, as pretended, was meant,
on the contrary, " to win some important right from Tur-
key which would destroy her independence, and that the
Czar's object was to trample under foot the rights of the
Porte and the independence of the Sovereign." In short,
the Divan was so taken by surprise and so overwhelmed
by alarm, as to be in danger of going to ruin by the
path of concession for the sake of averting a sudden
blow. But there remained one hope — the English fleet
was at Malta; and the Grand Vizier went to Colonel
Bose, who was then in charge of our affairs at the
Porte, and entreated that he would request our Admi-
ral at Malta to come up to Vourla, in order to give
the Turkish Government the support of an approaching
fleet. Colonel Eose, being a firm, able man, with strength
to bear a sudden load of responsibility, was not afraid to
go beyond the range of conamon duty. He consented to
do as he was asked ; and although he was disavowed by
the Government at home, and although his appeal to the
English Admiral was rejected, it is not the less certain
that his mere consent to call up the fleet allayed the
panic which was endangering at that moment the very
life of the Ottoman Empire.'
If it was true that the calling up of the fleet * allayed
a panic in Constantinople which was endangering at that
moment the very life of the Ottoman Empire,' it is no
less true that it checked a panic in the remoter provinces
of the Turkish Empire, which must have ended in indis-
criminate massacre of the defenceless Christians ; and that
it strengthened incalculably the hands of British officials
lacattered and isolated in Palestine and elsewhere, who
344 WHAT MOSLEMS EXPECT.
had nothing but moral influence and the prestige d
the British name to aid them in counteracting hostile in-
trigue, in reassuring the terrified Christians, in keeping
weak and sometimes corrupt Turkish officials to their
duty ; in short, in preserving the Empire from the ruinous
consequences of a Moslem rising, as for a Holy War
against all Christians.
Mohammedans are for ever expecting wars betwera
Christendom and M&m, and to them Christendom h
Eastern Christendom ; they look forward to the struck
for mastery between these two being renewed again and
again by the Christians ; and then to a temporary aacea-
dancy of Christianity. This stage has been reached;
Christians are gaining the ascendant more and more in
the Holy Land and other lands where Isl&m impatiently
bides its time !
But they expect the day of final triumph after a
contest more sanguinary and desperate than any which
have preceded it — a real Jehfid, or Holy War, in which
all the forces of both sides will at last be arrayed against
each other.
To a believing Moslem no fate can be more glorious
than to die in combat against the infidel. To die thus
is to become a martyr — a witness for the truth — ^to
enter Paradise from the . battle-field. This it is which
nerves the sincere Moslem for any contingency, which
gives him courage to fece any odds ; to walk into the
cannon's mouth ; to stand while grape-shot mows down
the ranks ; to dig his own grave first in the trenches and
then to take pick or shovel or weapon from the hands of
his dying comrade and to step coolly into his place and
^VHY FRANK KINGS HELP THE SULTAN, 345
work on, though the next moment may bring shot or
shell to lay him low, maimed or dead.
To a true Moslem every fight with a Christian is a
fight for his religion — a Holy War to that extent. Chris-
tians have a right to toleration only so long as they are
obedient and submissive. When they break the compact
by taking up arms they are rebels, and must be treated
as rebels and infidels.
It was amusing to hear the bazaar talk in Jerusalem
at the beginning of the Eussian war, and afterwards
when an alliance between Turkey and some of the
European nations waa first mooted.
People were so ignorant, even among the upper
classes of Moslems, that it was gravely said that the
Sultan, being attacked by the- Christians (Kussians), was
about to call upon his vassals for aid in money and by
arms.
Was not the Sultan the Khalif- Allah ? Did not he
give permission to the Frank kings and queens to put
on their crowns and swords after they had first made
submission to him on their accession? Did not each
king and queen take oath to come and fight for the
Sultan when called upon ?
And now he was going to call upon the Queen of
England, as his friend (and vassal), and upon the Latin
kings, or at any rate upon their leader, the French Em-
peror, because the enemy was leader of the Gfreek Church,
and the Latin Church and nations must from duty and
from poUcy come at the call of their suzerain and fight
till the ofiender had been chastised. If they, the vassals,
came when summoned and did their duty — well ; if not.
846 IS rr 'idle talk'P
i
why, they must be supposed to have made comiDoii cm
with the enemy.
And then ? why, then the Green Flag must be w
furled, the Jehftd (Holy War) must be proclaimed agaiis
all Christians — ^in Circassia and Asiatic Bussia— in Algei
against the French — in India against the English— all titt
believers would rise as one man, and, Inshallah ! it wonB
not be long before the last great triumph, the cms&
of Mohammed, and victory for ever to Isl&m.
*What idle talk all this is P some would sajjid
laugh.
But it seemed to us that words could never be quit*
idle, however erroneous, so long as thousands m
millions of men, women, and children believe in thea
are influenced by them, and are ready, at whatever
sacrifice, to act blindly upon them.
PART n.
FROM DECLARATION OF THE WAR
TO INVASION OF THE CRIMEA
349
CHAPTER Xni.
JBEUSALEM AND PALESTINE WITHOUT TURKISH TROOPS.
Tufenkchiefl — ^Thievery in the Oity — News of the Rnasian War — ^Latin
Patriarch at Bait Jala — A Judgment effected in behalf of the Latins
— General Sir Oharles CVDonnell — Oonvent bigotiy — ^Protestants in
Bethlehem — The Rey. John Nicolayson — Safety in our Gamp — Fighting
in the Villages — Endeavours to stop the Slaughter — 800 Bedaween be-
tween Jerusalem and Bethlehem — ^Bedaween in Bethlehem — Strange
contrasts of War and Peace.
On entering the city, after the parting scene of our batta-
Hon, the gates were found to be sentinelled with common
Tufenkchies.
We had been well accustomed to the appearance of
these Tufenkchies, called out of compliment by foreign
Consuls the * municipal police,' but in reality ragged
hobbledehoys, bearing no other emblem of office than a
peeled wand in hand, and chiefly employed in conveying
official messages from the Seraglio.
The Turkish word Tufenkchie means a musketeer,
but, Uke many designations in the East, it has practically
lost its primitive signification in course of time. Thus the
Pashk, instead of being literally a viceroy,^ may be a far
inferior officer — civil in fact, though military in theory — in
one of the grades corresponding to the rank of brigadier-
^ In Persian the Pa^hah is the king's foot^ i.e. standing in the place of
the king — ^as we learn that the ancient monarchs of Persia had one court
officer called ' the king^s eye/ another ' the king's hand/ &c.
S50 TUFENKOmES AS SENTINELS.
general, lieutenant-general, and provincial commander-
in-chief (Mir-Lewa, Mir-Mer&n, and Sar-i-askar). Thus,
also, when a regiment falls short of its complement (as is
generaUy the ca^e), the Tuz-Bashi (head of a hundred)
commands perhaps half that number, and the Bin-Bashi
(head of a thousand) commands no greater proportion.
The designation of the * gens d'arme ' attached to the
Consuls, etc., has in like manner lost its original signifi-
cance. A Kaww&s ought to be a bowman, i.e. 'an
archer,' armed with bow and arrows, instead of which
he is nowadays armed with pistols and sword, and is
most commonly recognised by a silver-headed staff which
he carries before his chief.
Our new Tufenkchie sentinels were in no way superior
to those heretofore seen in Jerusalem ; they were, in fact,
the very same mean-looking persons, only they were now
furnished with old-fashioned rusty guns, and were, in the
absence of any military, posted at the city gates.
These Tufenkchies, for the dty, and Bashi-Bozuks
(irregular horse), for the country, were our only Govern-
ment defence for the whole province, extending from
Jeneen to El-Arish {i.e. the north of Samaria to the
Egyptian Desert), at a time too when the peasant factions
were rife with turbulence, and the Bedaween hordes had
recently approached within sight of our crenellated walk.
The men came into the streets and bazaars fully armed
as they were. When we had sentinels at the gates in
ordinary times they had at least to leave their spears, if
not their guns, with the guard before passing into the
city. There were also Bedawy women and many gipsies
to be seen in Jerusalem.
NEED FOR B£ING ON TB^ ALERT. 35l
The adjoining northern PashaHc of Acre was no better
off, the very fortress of St. Jean d'Acre being only manned
by a few gunners — ^peasantry recently drilled for their
work.
While the Government was thus powerless the pea-
santry as well as the Bedaween were in full activity.
Several armourers in Jerusalem were at work night and
day repairing their arms. Old feuds were revived, of-
fences long put aside, though not forgotten, were now
remembered, and everybody was talking about ven-
geance, and battles and victories over this faction
or that.
It was now time for me to gird up my loins, in a
moral sense, for making my position available for the
general good, although I was without the least item of
directions or suggestions from either London or Constan-
tinople. All the communications that I received from
those centres during the whole war were limited to the
merest technicahties of office business. But, as I have
said before, there was reason to believe that such was
not the case with my colleagues in their relations to
higher quarters.
In preparation for any eventuahty, from whatever
direction it might come, it was clearly right and expe-
dient to get full and accurate information as to the
state of the whole country, and as to every movement
among the inhabitants. To effect this, and in order that
80 wide a range of territory as that over which our
Consulate extended might be fully under inspection, it
was necessary to have agents conveniently placed, as I
have before explained.
352 PSECAUnONS AND FEASS.
My English-bom cancelliere, Mr. E. T. Bogers, had
lately received the appointment of Vice-Consul at Csu&
(Hhaifu), where the amount of merchant shipping bus-
ness was on the increase. He was despatched to hii
post, with instructions to attend to and report to Jeru-
salem cases occurring in Nazareth, Safet, and Tiberias,
in each of which there were English proUgis. (Cai&, at
the foot of Mount Carmel, was conveniently situated f<^
observing all these places.)
The fears of the Jerusalem population augmented
from day to day, particularly among the Christians and
Jews, unarmed as they were, and unaccustomed to the
use of arms. The European residents and protected
persons looked up to their respective Consulates, and the
Consulates looked up to the helpless Pashk.
Each Consul had his own separate medium of vision
on which to speculate on future contingencies, and on
the action which it might in certain cases behove him to
take.
The Turkish ruler, Hhafiz Pashk, described before,
while maintaining perfect ceremonious cordiality with
them all, naturally kept closer relations with the French
and English representatives, on account of. the expected
military alliance in the event of positive war. The poor
old man grew feebler from day to day as age gained
upon him. It was piteous to behold him, bodily weak*
ness and the anxieties of office rapidly exhausting the
vital powers. People said he was eighty years of age,
and it seemed likely to be true.
During the interval in which military protection had
no existence for us, irregularities of all kinds naturally
RURAL QUIET DISTURBED. 353
took place, such as robbery on the high roads, the revival
of the faction feuds of which we have lately had so much,
and other acts of petty resistance to Government autho-
rity on the part of the peasantry. The opportunity was
eagerly seized for everybody to do as they liked, though
the results might have been worse than they actually were.
In less than a week after the departure of the troops
the people of Abu Dees, a village just across the Mount
of Olives, to the east, were plundering the shepherds
of Malhha, one of the Hhassanlyeh villages to the south
of Jerusalem.
Soon afterwards, on a lovely Sunday afternoon, I was
at my cottage door at the Taliblyeh (our country place,
within a mile west of the city), released from the cares of
the past week, and sitting under our treUised vine, with
a bush of white roses at the window on one hand, and a
luxuriant hhalazoneh (flowering creeper) rising on the
other, surrounded by the family, and reading out pas-
sages ; now resting the book upon my knee and looking
over the Holy City in direct front of us, and towards the
summit of Olivet, now gazing in dreamy study on the
Moab mountains, with their subdued colouring and pearly
lustre pertaining to that season of the year — in an Oriental
reverie upon the fact that no human habitation existed in
that direction between us and the great river, the river
Euphrates — when in one moment a rueh of about thirty
men of Malhha (peasantry, of course) scaled our low
boundary- wall, dashing forward, shouting, most of them
stripped to the waist, and all ai'med with guns, pistols,
and khanjars (the short sword in common use among
them).
VOL. I. A A
354 PLUNDER BECOVJSRED,
We called out to them, * Whither away, friends?'
But they were too eager to stop and explain.
Our first supposition was naturally that they were
going to take revenge on the people of Abu Dees, that
village being exactly in the line they were taking,
although the desperate haste seemed rather unaecessaij.
It turned out that this was not their present enterprise ;
the Abu Dees foray had been already dealt with, retalia-
tion made, and the flocks recovered, to the number of
about 200 head.
The present affair was that the same flocks had again
been laid hold of just at the foot of my grounds (which
sloped from the cottage downwards towards the Eephaim
plain), by a roving party of wild Bedaween — Tiy^hab
Arabs from the far South. These, however, on perceiving
the force of the Malhhahites, made off, abandoning the
booty they were sweeping before them, and thus there
was no fight this time. Our Malliha friends returned in
more leisurely fashion, some by the way they had so
unceremoniously come, and made civil apologies for the
intrusion, urging the necessity of promptitude in the case.
The scene was strange and unexpected.
We now learned that the maraudera were Tiy^hai
and Jehhaleen united, who were retm^ning from a suc-
cessful ghazu (foray) near BaisS-n (Beth-shan, up the
Jordan Valley towards Tiberias), where they had cap-
tured several ' sticks ' ^ of camels and many * sticks ' of
sheep and goats. They had no objection to augment
their booty with whatever came in their way.
' By a ^ stick ' ('oami) of cattle is meant so many of them as would be
contained within a space over which a man (generally mounted) can ihi^^'f
his stack; or within a circle whose radius is measured in the sane way.
(
SELF-DENYING BEDAWEEN. 855
Never before had we known wild desert plunderers
to exercise their vocation under the very walls of Jeru-
salem. How near the city gates (and now harmless
guns) they had actually ventured we soon found out,
and also that there were some cattle which, however
tempting, even these wild fellows had a wholesome fear
of meddhng with.
Two of the ladies and children of our party had
been attending the afternoon service at Christchurch, on
Mount Zion, and our groom, an Egyptian, and a shrewd
old fellow, had gone down the hill with two saddle asses
to bring them back, shortly before the alarm of the
peasantry. The Bedaween, mounted on their drome-
daries, met our groom at the foot of the ascent to the
Jaffa gate of the city and cast a longing eye at the led
animals, one of which was a remarkably fine specimen
of the Egyptian ass, and of course somewhat valuable.
^ Whose are those ? ' asked the Bedaween.
* The English Consul's ; best for you not so much as
to look at them,' retorted our groom. The Bedaween
were of his opinion and rode forward, to fall in five
minutes afterwards wdth the flock of sheep and goats and
sweep them off* by way of comfort at having had to
exercise so much self-denial. Fortune was against them
here too, for, as we have seen, the peasant owners some-
how got wind of what was going on, and came to the
rescue just in time to decide the Bedaween upon a hasty
retreat minus the cattle.
Next morning on the ride to my usual office business
in town I was met by the Shaikh of the Jehh&leen, Hhaj
Daif Allsh, and his brother, together with the giant
A A 2
356 THIEVERY IN THE CITY.
Saf-ez-Zeer (a thieving outlaw of the Ta'amra, who lad
broken loose horn the respectable portion of his tribe,
with two or three followers as great scamps as hiiMeK).
Here they were, on the very morrow of the escapade
of the day before, in all the innocence of their hearts on
their way to pay me a friendly visit, and they coollj
reported that in the Bais&n foray they had ' gained ' (5
sixty cows and thirty asses from the S'koor Arabs, near
Tiberias, but made no mention of the plunder aboie
described.
What could I do under the circumstances? Glad
to escape from the duty of giving them hospitable re-
ception as guests at my camp, the morning salutati(Htf
were simply pronoimced. But I sent word after to
that I was resolved to make no presents to Arabs ^
the return of soldiery to Jerusalem.
Within the city I found people in a state of alarm on
account of burglaries by night, which were becoming ^
frequent occurrence. So much gunpowder was fixed off
in order to frighten away real or imaginary robbers that
people persuaded themselves that attacks were mu^
more frequent than they really were.
It was, of course, my duty to take note of these
occurrences and to represent them to the authorities;
that is to say, to the Pashk, poor man, and to the notables
of the city.
The chief of the police was well known to be the
head of the burglars. He waa notoriously the worst
man in the country, and had been removed from oScs
some five years before through the influence of our
Embassy at Constantinople on account of his concern ^
CmEF OF THE POLICE AND BURGLARS. 357
the murder of a British subject, a poor pedlar, who had
incurred his hatred anjl had been destroyed under cir-
cumstances of great cruelty. We succeeded in proving
the murder, but it was not so easy to bring it home to
the criminal, though he was perfectly well known to
have had the principal share in it. The only thing we
could do was done, in getting him displaced firom office
on account of his many other dehnquencies.
For some years past the thieves had been quiet. They
had found us too vigilant and active in detecting and
bringing them to justice, and we heard but httle of them
as far as British subjects were concerned.
Now, however, their old chief had once more got
himself back into office ; and though he was careful not
to get into the hands of the Consulate, people were very
much frightened at the robberies which were committed
in the houses of natives and of many Europeans. Times
were no doubt very favourable for the burglars, whether
village peasants or town thieves, with their allies in the
police.^
Our intelligence from without was both scant and
slow. News of the Turkish resolution in favoiur of war,
^ It is difficult to convey to readers of this history the sense of security
whicli British subjects sndprotigSs enjoyed in the midst of all the confusion
and disorder in the country. Yet at the very moment while things were
as described in these pages, we all were in our summer encampments — coming
and going without any extra precautions — taking our evening stroll alone —
our children rambling about the neighbourhood. The whole secret lay in
this : the British Consul was believed to have means of finding out every-
thing—past experience led to that belief. He was further believed to
Trritfl down everything, and to make reports to his superiors. Sir Stratford
Canning, in Constantinople, and I^ord Palmerston, in London, were the em-
bodiment in people's minds of Britisb government and energy. Criminals
were known to be unfiulingly brought to justice sooner or later. It was felt
by evildoers to be unsafe ixy meddle witb anybody nnder British protection.
358 FKANOE AND ENGLAND JOIN TURKEY.
and the crossing of the Danube by Omar Pashk, readied
us so long after date that we felt more concerned ^
what was passing around us than with ^^hat seemed only
thunder at a distance. It was with glee, however, to
after a time M. Botta announced that France and Eag-
land were not going to be any longer * humbugged ' (li
own expression in English) by the Vienna transactions:
they were to prosecute the war ' honourably.'
This intelUgence bore upon our own position. The
fact of active co-operation by France and England wili
Turkey could not fail to prove a real protection, first of
all to British subjects, but secondly, and in no sligit
degree, to all Christians ; because the very fact of Chris-
tian Powers being ranged op the Sultan's side mvA
deprive the war of its most dangerous aspect, as a Ecq
War of all Moslems against the Christians, and at once
do away with any pretext for general massacres of Chris-
tians by Moslems.
The Austrian Consul had hitherto been accustomed
to regard lightly all idea of real war being at hm^
seeing that the Conferences at Vienna had undertaken,
out of compassion to poor Turks, to avert the peril from
them and all annoyance from every other quarter. An"
who so able to do this as the Austrians, always masten
in diplomacy, besides being of the Western Church, and
yet not French ? The officers of an Austrian frigatf ^^^
Then tibe native population had received so much help in getting iznpftrtiu
justice through the British Consul — he was so well known to be willing ^
give any amount of patience and trouble in aid of a righteous canse^^^^
was trusted and respected as well as feared. ' In those dajs British in^^'
ence could do more for the protection of human life than armies of eom^
could have done. — Editob's Noxs.
LATIN INTERESTS. 350
had lately visited us (in September) were entirely of the
same mind ; they had, however, supplied their Consulate
i?vith some barrels of gunpowder and a store of firearms
for its defence, on account of some rabble of the streets
having lately broken some of the windows there while
shouting ' Down with the infidels ! ' M. Kzzamano, when
thus provided, notified to the Pashk his intention to fire
upon the first man that should offer indignity to his
Consulate or to his person as a soldier. So he told us ;
and it would thus seem that his species of diplomacy was
founded on the maxim, ' Si vis pacem para bellum.'
We had also learned from Constantinople that
Western or Latin Christianity was to be strengthened in
Jerusalem, by having the Holy City made the station for
Consuls-General, instead of Bayroot, and that several
new representatives of European Latin kingdoms were
to be established, viz., those of Spain, Naples, etc., who
all together were to combine in forming a bulwark
against the sole protection of (Latin) Christianity hitherto
usurped by * ces Messieurs les Fran9ais.* ^
Of course there could be no more favourable moment
for advancing Latin interests in the Tiurkish Empire than
now, while their ancient rivals the Easterns (Eussian. and
Greek) were in open hostihty with Turkey.
So thought not only the political leaders of Latin
Christianity, but also our energetic Latin Patriarch, Mon-
signore Valerga. From the beginning of His Grace's
accession to ofiice (in 1847) he had been zeaJous in
^ M. Pizzamano's hopes were not fulfilled till the end of 1857, when he
was raised to the rank ol Consul-General. A Spanish Consulate was estab-
lished in Jerusalem in 1854.
et
GO TIIE LATINS .\ND BAIT JALA.
furthering, in every passible way, the progress and the
stability of the Latin Church. Since his arrival in Jero-
salem, in 1848, he had cast his eyes on the village d
Bait Jala as a desirable po^ession, and he had besides
earnestly laboured to establish a Seminary or Patriarelnl
College for the education of Syrian youth.
The village of Bait Jala lies near Bethlehem, Tn-
vellers in that country can scarcely foil to observe it from
the rite of Rachel's Sepulchre, on the way from Jeru-
salem. Bethlehem lies on one side, and on the opposte
side there is a hilly range clothed with an extensive
olive plantation, and from the midst of these trees rises
a cheerful- looking but small village. That village ia Bait
Jala.
There was then as now among its houses what was
unparalleled in South Palestine, a Christian village church
of the Greek rite, which was distinguishable at a distance
by its somewhat larger size than the peasant dwellings^
and by its round dome — not large, yet sufficiently con-
spicuous to attract the eye.
Simple as was its appearance, and unUke to a village
church in England, it stood, and stands, a monument of
Christianity in a Mohammedan country. In this respect
the two villages of Bethleliem and Bait Jala were sisters
and neighbours; only Bethlehem, having an immense
common church (sacred and common to all the Chris-
tians), besides a Latin one and three huge convents, with
a bustling, active population, had not the peculiar rural
atmosphere of the other.
The population in both was for the most part Cliris-
THE PATRIARCirS DESIGNS. 361
tian, but in Bait Jala the people (about 3,000 ia number)
were of the Greek orthodox rite.
Often have I heard the anecdote repeated of a group
of travellers passing from Jenisalem to Bethlehem under
the guidance of a Franciscan friar, pointing to the village
in its olive grove and asking their leader whether its in-
habitants were Christian, being told, * Non sono Christiani
— sono Greci.'
On this village of Bait Jala, near to the Sanctuary of
Bethlehem, yet not like Bethlehem, under the dominion
of the Franciscans, the Latin Patriarch had cast his eyes.
There were, however, difficulties in the way; but to some
men difficulties seem only to exist in order that they may
remove them.
The difficulties were these. The villagers — all of the
Greek commimion — vs^ere so much bound under various
obligations to the Greek convent as to be practically
their serfs. His Grace enquired, *Are there no Latins
there F ' ' None,' was the answer ; ' they have all emi-
grated into Bethlehem.' *But when they removed did
they leave no lands, no claims on land, no olive-trees
behind them ? ^ * Oh, yes, and they use them still.'
Here was ground to go upon ; and upon this basis —
the fact that some former Latin inhabitants of Bait Jala
still were recognised owners of property in their old
home, a plan was projected and carrried out by the Pa-
triarch for recovering — not merely foothold — but a para-
mount position at Bait Jala for the Latin Church.
As Greek influence declined at Constantinople on
the approach of war, the rival Latin influence rose in pro-
862 A LODGMENT EFFECTED.
portion — and Patriarch Valerga, backed by the Tremk
Embassy at the Porte, improved his opj>ortuiiity. Tbe
Bethlehemite emigrants from Bait Jala were induced bf
various means to repair their old family houses — or to
build new ones, however small or slight, and then to k
out two or three of these to His Grace on a repairing l^ae.
After some few months of holding these he demolished
them and built one good house in their stead, in ivhicfa he
took up his own country residence.
To dislodge some insignificant person, being a Latin
intruder, might have been easy to the Greek Convent—
to dislodge even a Patriarchal chaplain ; but to get rid d
the Patriarch himself in person, with all his suite d
chaplains and secretaries— Italians and Frenchmen, iritk
the powerful protection of their respective nationalities,
backed by the Court of Eome itself — ^here was a difficult
problem indeed.
During the earlier stages of the afiair the thick-headed
peasantry put every imaginable obstacle in his path, ai
the instigation of their clergy who would as lief have
seen the enemy of all mankind among them (perhaps
rather — ^for they might trust to be able to cast him out!
as a Eoman Catholic propagandist. Bullets were fired
into his windows and into the windows of his chapIsiQ
and his secretary, in order to fiighten them away. Tbe
people even concerted a plan for carrying ofl* His Grace
bodily and blindfolded to some distant place.
Ignorant creatures ! They little comprehended the
strength that lies in the pertinacity of Europeans in
carrying out a plan well digested and resolved on;
they had as yet had but little experience how Eomish
GENERAL SIR CHARLES O'DONNELL. 363
designs can thrive under pressure of opposition, when
there is temporal power at command. Violence on their
part was the very Jthing needed to promote the Patri-
archal success.
Herein lies very often the difference between Euro-
peans and Asiatics.
The persecutions and sufferings were represented at
Constantinople to the full extent of the facts. Then fol-
lowed progress on the Latin side : from stage to stage
things went on, the natives being, as always, worshippers
of success ; till at present the dark, rich olive grove of
Bait Jala encloses a quadrangle of European buildings,
formed by a Patriarchal palace, a church of pointed ar-
chitecture, and a Collegiate seminary ; but this is antici-
pating events, which shall be related according to date
as we arrive at them in our history.
Curiously enough, while Latin influences were thus
naturally in the ascendant, we had some little incidents
marking the state of feeling as regarded Protestants. One
of our traveller visitors about this time was Major-Gene-
ral Sir Charles O'Donnell, formerly in Bombay service,
but now fresh from the Danube, and able to give us news
of the Turkish army as 100,000 strong, in excellent
spirits, and having a few good officers (rather a rarity at
that time in the Ottoman service — ^the privates bdng
generally far better soldiers than their officers), also some
Prussians over the artillery and some French among the
cavahy. He had passed through Constantinople, Athens,
and Smyrna, which had afforded him opportunities for
observing the general condition of affairs in all these
places. Sir Charles had intended to do as is usual with
364 CONVENT BIGOTRY.
travellers — break the long ride from Jaffa into two days'
journey, by resting the first night at Kamlah.
On ringing the bell at the Latin Convent there, one
of the friars (it may be supposed the one whose duty it
was to attend to strangers) looked over the parapet above
the gate, and among other enquiries asked, ' Are you a
Protestant ? ' * What is that to you ? ' was the rejoinder ;
* I am a traveller in the Holy Land, and ask the hospi-
tality for the giving of which your house was built.' * Are
you a Catholic ? ' * Did you ever hear,' said he, * of an
O'Donnell that was not one.?^' (This argument was pecu-
liarly to the point, seeing that most of the inmates there
are always Spaniards, and should know who the O'Don-
nells are). ' My family have been better Catholics than
you, or all of you put together.' * Are you a Protestant.?'
' Well it so happens that in this case I am a Protestant.'
* Then you cannot be admitted.'
Sir C. O'Donnell turned away to the small Armenian
Hospice, where, to his surprise, he met with exactly the
same reception, and he had to proceed on his journey
through the night to Jerusalem.
Probably the refusal in both instances originated in
some stupid monkish confusion of ideas about politics and
war, each party, though with such separate interests,
•
expecting that now its own faction of Christianity would
rise, and the tide of events would be turned on its behalf.
Not long before an English lady of rank had met
with the same treatment on a hot day at Bethlehem from
the Greek Convent. The same reftisal on the ground of
being a Protestant was made to her after long ringing at
the gate, and the lady had to pass on.
TREATMENT OF PROTESTANTS, '865
Anyone who knows from experience the intense re-
verberation of the sun's -heat at that gate almost all the
year round, will, and no others will, be able to appreciate
tbis conduct of the anti-protestant fanatics.
It was remarkable that all the sects who have con-
vents, professedly with provision for hospitality to way-
farers, should at one and the same time have adopted the
same course, not against each other — ^for that was un-
necessary, but against the one class of Christians who
had no such hospices.
However, I had the case of Sir Charles O'Donnell
represented to the President of Terra Santa, in Jeru-
salem, and after that no more such complaints were
beard from travellers.
"With respect to the community of Protestants in
Bethlehem I took pains, in consideration of my oflScial
position, to avoid all appearance of promoting a Protest-
ant faction in that town. The word faction is here in-
tentionally used, because experience has shown that it is
possible for native peasantry to call themselves Protest-
ants when their 'protesting* only arises from personal
pique, or from the mercenary hope (always disappointed)
of having their taxes paid for them, as they would be on
their joining other religious communities.
Yet very far be it from me to hint that there are
no converts from enlightened and conscientious motives.
The contrary is certainly the case.
There were dissensions enough in Bethlehem ; still
there was the fact that there was a Protestant congrega-
tion existing there, and that it was recognised as such by
the local Government,
366 FBOTESTAMB IN BETHLEHEM*
I once took a few friends with me to inspect the
school of the native Protestants, and to inquire into tb
instruction of the pupils. We found the children cheer
ful and their parents happy. The latter crowded up to tk
windows to see what was going on. I heard the childreB
repeat our Church Catechism, in which they were quite
as well grounded as I had been accustomed to find village
children in England ; and I must confess to a sensation of
pleasure on hearing its contents recited in that pecu&r
place, and pronounced with their strong rustic utterance
of Arabic, so different from the simpering or lisping accent
of most of the Jerusalem Christians.
They read chapter xx. of St. Matthew, and the sehool-
master (a native) made them a short address upon what
they had read, concluding with prayers, consisting of some
of the collects from our Prayer- Book.
All this was satisfactory for a school only seven montb
established.^ The parents and friends choked up the
doorway and climbed in at the windows, and among them
was the old man mentioned before as having seen Sydney
Smith in his youth. He was now, and had been for some
time, one of the Shaikhs of the town. After an alfresco
meul on an open terrace commanding fine views spiead
before them, our party returned to Jerusalem, being ac-
companied on their way by the Bethlehemites, with gun-
firings and rejoicings as on arrival.
By this time we had reached the month of Octo-
ber. The season had not yet broken up, and we
were still out in our summer camp ; but the appear-
ance of distant lightning on the evening of October Ist
^ It has now been long since made over to a Prussian Mission there.
AEABIO CHURCH SERVICE, 367
gave presage of a coming change, and that commence*
ment of the rains was at hand. The wmd rose at
jiight and a good deal of rain fell.
Of course there was talk of striking the tents and
moving into town for the winter; but the first rains
rarely last more than two or three days, and are followed
by delightful weather, with hot sunshine, so that we were
not willing to hurry our removal out of the delicious,
pure country air. October 2nd being Sunday, the grown
members of our own and of the Bishop's encampment
(which included the camp of the English missionary cler-
gyman and his family) went to town as usual for the
services at Christchurch, on Mount Zion, beginning with
the early Arabic service at seven o'clock in the morning.
EDITOR'S NOTE.
There was in those days an early service at Christchurch^ on
Mount Zion, on certain Sunday mornings, in the Arabic lan-
guage, for the benefit of the Oriental Christians who had
become members of our congregation. It was cooducted by
the incumbent, the Rev. John Nicolayson.
No account of the inhabitants and condition of the Holy
City would be complete without some mention of him. A Dane
by birth, but in English orders, and thoroughly attached to our
Church and nation, Mr. Nicolayson was the oldest English
resident in Jerusalem of our European community. During
nearly thirty years he had laboured here as missionary to the
Jews, and he had acquired an intimate knowledge of the prin-
cipal languages,' the manners, customs, and peculiarities of the
various inhabitants of the land. To his prudence, tact, and
courage during the early years of his residence may be attri-*
buted much of the success that attended the establishment of
the Mission in Palestine, the founding of the Medical Mission,
the building of the church, and the gathering of the congre-
gation around him.
368 THE KEV. JOHN NICOLAYSON.
Mr. Nicolayson had lived in Jerusalem during many yean
of anxiety and danger, when there were no laws of toleration in
the Turkish Empire, no Consular protectors for foreigners, no
Turkish-bom authorities resident in Jerusalem, and no steamers
or railways to facilitate communication with Europe. , He lived
through the dangerous and troublous times that followed the
Greek War of Independence and during the struggles of the
Egyptian Viceroy, Mehemet Ali, and his son, Ibrahim Pasha,
for supremacy in Syria, which ended in the war of 1841, and
which restored that country to the Turks. He and his fanuly
went through the dangers of siege, famine, earthquake, and
plague, and were preserved through them all.
The experience gained through so long and eventful a life
enabled Mr. Nicolayson to form sound opinions on the character
of the various inhabitants and on the condition of the country.
His calm, quiet courage was of immense value in times of
diflBculty or danger. He was known and respected all over the
land — by Jews, Turks, Christians of the different Churches, and
by the Europeans, with all of whom he was able to converse in
their own language. He had studied Arabic deeply.
As before mentioned, it was he who used to conduct the
early service on Sundays in that language. As ineiunbent of
the Church he also had charge of the Hebrew, English, and
German services ; but in these the Bishop and the other mis-
sionaries took part.
It was our custom to attend this Arabic service, and this
made it necessary to leave the camp very early in the morning.
The English service followed at ten o'clock.
In order to avoid the going to and fro, we used to break-
fast and dine with Mr. Nicolayson between the services, and to
return to camp after the last was over. • Very delightful were
the quiet hours thus spent in his house, the change from the
fatigues and anxieties of the week to the rest and refreshment,
not only of the absence from all business, but of the pleasant
intercourse with our old friend. My husband's journals con-
tain touchiBg allusions to these visit* and to the charm of Mr.
Nicolayson's ' chastened conversation,' when topics of the deepest
QUIET SUNDAYS. 369
interest as concerning the Holy Land and all the future that
lay before the Christian Church and the people of Israel
occupied our attention* This was natural, considering the
wonderful changes that Mr. Nicolayson here in Jerusalem, and
we ourselves first at a distance, and then here, had watched
passing over the land and the people of Israel.
Passing events were bringing the Holy City more and more
into notice among the great nations of the world. It was im-
possible to avoid the conviction that never again could Jeru-
salem be the unnoticed Eastern town which we had known it
to be ; that ere long the interest of the nations would gather
around and centre in the place from which we were watching
with intensest interest the unfolding of the mighty events
which were just then beginning to develop themselves.
These quiet Sundays on Mount Zion stand out in contrast
to the turmoil and restlessness of our lives during the week.
All the inhabitants knew that Sunday was our day of rest.
They never attempted to bring before us any business which
could be deferred till the next morning. Excepting in cases of
absolute necessity none disturbed us on that day. In the afber-
noon-we returned to our camp.
Strange as it may seem, we had not the smallest misgiving
or anxiety as to the safety of our young children left there
with the few servants of our usual household ; not the slightest
ground for fearing that even passing strangers might try to
pilfer some of the property in our tents. The English were
looked upon by all the people among whom we were as friends,
to whom everybody alike resorted for advice or aid, and, as I
' have before said, there was at that time a firm belief in there
being the strong though unseen hand of British power, which
would sooner or latei: lay hold of wrong-doers and bring them
to account. Our foreign friends did not understand this ; they
marvelled at our coturage in going about free]y and being so
much at our ease. They used occasionally to visit us in our
encampment and ask ^if we were not afiraid, not even at
night,' when the city gates were shut and locked for the
night, and when help (even had there been any soldiers or
VOL. I. B B
370 BEWARD OF VIGILANCR |
I
police to help) conld not have been called. The tamth vag ^ |
the people among whom we lived would themselves have bea
the losers had any harm happened to us, and this the; ka^
follweU.
They were, moreover, greatly the gainers by having vitlai
reach and among them, in the Consul, an official whoee y^
residence, and opportunities well used, gave him so intrntttea
knowledge of them all, and whom they knew by experience ts
be ever the ready helper of the oppressed. By this theyfei
great gainers, and they knew that well also. They were gU
to conciliate our friendship. The leaders as well as the peopk
among the various peasant fisictions would have been the fiisttA
find out anyone who might have attempted to do us bam.
The comfort and safety which we thus enjoyed throogh
prestige of the British influence was, however, the resoli <
years of patient labour on the part of the British authority
from the Consul himself to the Ambassador in Constaniinopb
and the chief rulers in England. During those years uooeasu^
vigilance had been exercised ; no single case needing ledres
had been neglected. Sometimes there had been unavoidaiife
delays in securing the triupph of justice, but when it did com*
the effect was all the greater in the punishment of a wrong^i
who had begun to hope that his misdeeds had been foigott^
or in the unexpected amends made to some victim of oppre^^
who had already despaired of his cause.
It is only during times of stress like those we are now deecnb-
ing that the thoroughness of work can be tested. Happy ^ ^*
for Palestine that there was in existence an influence capable*
restraining the restlessness and the disorder, and of preventing
a wide-spread outbreak of open anarchy. We were well av»i*
that serious disturbances in the Holy City and in Palestine wouM
have much complicated the political difficulties of the day* "^
disturbances might have broken out, and that they muBt s(0
have become serious, the present narrative abundantly shows.
When we returned to our tents on that Sunday ^
noon, a native, who had been to Bethlehem, brougi* ^
\
N
VILLAGE WAR RESUMED. 371
word that great preparations for war were making in that
place. As night came on we could see large signal-fires
at the south-western village of Bait Saf&fa ; we could hear
tlie shouts — sometimes clearly distinguishing even the
voices — and also the discharges of musketry, which were
probably challenges of defiance. Early in the morning
came the tidings of more troubles at Ain Karem, which is
also a Hhassaniyeh village, but farther -oflT — west of us,
and lying on the confines between the territories of Abu
Gosh and OthraAn el Lahh^m. These two, it will be
remembered, were the chiefe of the hostile districts. I
sent word of what was going on to the Pashk at. the
Seraglio— getting the message spoken through the closed
city gates, by my man, to the sentinels on duty.
By daybreak in the morning I also sent off a mounted
kawwfts with a message fi*om myself to the belligerents
above-named, reminding them that the Pashk's truce of
August 4th had not yet expired, and that I should neither
forget nor forgive these doings on the return of the mili-
tary force. The messenger found Othm&n el Lahh&m
in person at Malhha — another of the villages south-west
of us — where the factions were ranged in battle against
each other. Several lives had been lost on the path
between that village and Ain Earem. The hills were
occupied by look-out men and by women screaming their
war-cries to animate the combatants.
The Government did nothing during the day; and
our Bishop, fearing a possible descent of Othmfin el
Lahhfim upon Lifta, had suddenly broken up his family
camp near that place, one of the Abu Gpsh villages on
the north-west of us. I rode round in the evening to
BBS
372 NEWS OP THE RUS8DUUf WAR.
the spot, and found it in possession of a detachmeot rf
peasantry fix>m the village, posted so as to secure tlMsr
houses from a surprise during the coming night
After dark the Bait Safdfa people had more honfiro,
and the yells and firing of signals were kept up at is*
tervals ; not, however, as mere bravado, for (what is ex-
tremely rare in village warfare) the fighting continuei
through the night, but in the interest of both parties. TIk
number of killed was not published. The effect of all
this during the night was most strange, and it was not tk
least curious part of the whole that our safety was in do
kind of danger from either side. Having sent the kawwsf
to the one chief in the morning, I commissioned my ^loe
Consul, Mr. B(^ers, who was about starting in the after-
noon for his post at Caiffa, and who was to stay for tbe
night at the village capital of Abu Gosh (Kuriet el AuA
situated, as every traveller knows, in the pass on the vsf
to Jaffa), to remonstrate with the commander-in-^ihief ^
the enemy, i.e. Abu Gbsh himself.
On this day tidings had reached us from Bayroo^
through the French authorities, that fighting had begua
in Europe between the Bussians and the Turks.
This was confirmed by M. Botta next moraing, 0*
4 ; and we were also informed that M. Basih, the Bus-
sian Consul-General, was ordered away by the Turkisli
Musheer (Governor-General), and that engagements m
taken place between the outposts on the Danube.
We sent to make further inquiries of the Biissitf
■
Archimandrite, and found him engaged with the Aufltna^
Consul talking over a dangerous conspiracy that i^
been brought to light in Constantinople, involving ^
INTRIGUES AND PLOTS. 373
Sultan's brother, Abdu TAztz/ and the Shaikhu THflin.
The report was that the former of these had been put in
arrest, and that the Sultan had a French and also an
EngUsh steamer in readiness for carrying off himself and
his femily at any moment if necessary.
There were not wanting significant comments among
the people in Jerusalem, native and foreign, as to the
probable causes of these intrigues and plots. Some,
while able to beUeve in the possibility of attempts such
as these being made to compUcate matters, considered
that the present account * merited confirmation.'
At this period I one day noticed in the street a
Eussian priest escorting, under the protection of his
clerical character, a Circassian in his native costume —
a magnificent specimen of an Asiatic mountaineer. It
would have been interesting had one been able to pene-
trate to the inner recesses of these men's minds with re-
spect to the future.
They were about to leave the Holy City, and this not
of free choice ; yet it could only be that the priest as well
as our Eussian Archimandrite, who had packed up, ready
to follow at a moment's notice, were looking forward to
a successful crusade of the orthodox faith — one which
should have a very different termination to that waged
by the Western nations of old.
We read afterwards in the pubKc journals, as reported
by their correspondents, that in the march of Eussian
armies Southwards the men at their nightly halts in-
^ Abdu 1 Aziz^ the late Sultan^ whose deposition took place in May 1876.
In 1861 he succeeded the Sultan Ahdn 1 Mf^eed, his brother, who was
reigning at the time of our narrative.
374 THE CHIEFS ASK MEDIATION.
quired of the peasantry upon whom they were billeted
how far they still were from Jerusalem! thus showii^
what feeling had been inculcated in their minds before
commencing the march, as to the ultimate objects of to
war.
The warfare nearer at hand was going on briskly.
We heard a great deal of the fighting during the nigH
and learned next morning that many lives had been lost
I was leaving the city for my tent on the afternoon
of the 6th, when I was accosted by ShMkh Hhamdin, of
the Ta'amra, and by Mohammed Abu Dees, of the same
tribe. They dismounted from their mares, and the fonner
came to inform me that Othmfin el Tjahham had com-
missioned him to say to me that the war had lasted long
enough ; that it was time to desist, since the wild desert
Arabs were coming up uninvited as auxiliaries to each
side, which was not desirable ; that he knew me to be »
friend to the Dowlet el 'Allyeh (Sublime Government) and
to the public peace in general ; therefore, &c., &c.
Unwilling to be entrapped as a partisan or even ss an
arbitrator, my reply was merely that Othm&n must him-
self write to the Pashk, for that I would do nothing but
through the channel of the Turkish Government.
What was done I know not, though on the same day
I visited the Pashk for friendly conference and also to
congratulate his son on newly-acquired honours. But ^^
had heard in the early morning the peasantry still scream*
ing defiance at each other ; and all those whom we met
on our way into the city were fully armed.
One small party meeting another announced ^
Abu Gosh had taken Ain Karem (about four miles fro^
RETUBN TO TOWN LIFE, 375
our camp). It was probably because his antagonist
OthmSn found fortune going against him that he wished
for my intervention in favour of peace.
The weather was still bright, with dewy nights ; and
it was with reluctance that we, being now the last party
out in tents, broke up our camp and moved into town
for the winter.
The contrast was odd enough between events passing
outside the gates, and our city Kfe, with lite round of
visits to the Bishop and various English and foreign
friends, including the customary state visit in uniform at
the Prussian Consulate on the King's birthday, where
our old friend M. Weber held the reception in absence
of the Consul, and where the Latin Patriarch and other
dignitaries were assembled. Sir Charles O'Donnell being
with us, and having brought the latest tidings, the war
furnished our subjects of discourse here and with the
Fashk, the Austrian Consul and the Armenian Patriarch,
and at our other visits, the last of which was in
attendance at an evening reception at our Bishop's in
honour of his Prussian Majesty's birthday.
We also called upon the Greek Bishop and the Latin
Patriarch. The Greeks were anxious to declare them-
selves faithfrd subjects of the Sultan and not adherents of
Eussia.
The disturbed state of the country did not prevent
the chief of another Bedawy tribe from the East, Shaikh
Dee&b, of the Adw&n, from visiting me. He came with
two of his people to arrange for the escort of British tra-
vellers to Jerash and the Anmion country, on the eastern
side of the Jordan.
S76 VISIT OF TRANS-JOBDAN A&ABS.
Hitherto that part of the country had been very litde
accessible to visitors, and our Arab friends were willing to
enter into a treaty for the safe convoy of persons willing
to pay a fixed sum in return. What mattered it to thea
that the kings of the earth were in a state of agitatioB-
that the Sultan and the Muscovite Emperor were at war?
All this was very far off; but English travellers wen
known to the wild men, and they were prepared to nak^
them welcome as guests in the territory over which tbey
and their allies roamed, where neither Turkish Goveiu-
ment nor European Powers coidd exercise any auAoiity'
but where nevertheless the code of Arab honour guana*
teed perfect safety to the travellers who might venture to
trust themselves to it.
There was no one in Palestine at the moment desiwcs
of visiting the trans-Jordanic r^on. But soon after-
wards I took Sir Charles O'Donnell down to the Pto ^
Jericho and the Dead Sea.
We performed the journey in the utmost coinf«t.
encamping at Elisha's fountain, enjoying the evening ^*
the sword dance of the Arabs, the quiet night, breakfet
by moonlight next morning, our ride to the Eiver Jom
and to the Dead Sea ; ^ returning to Jerusalem over tb
hills long after dark in the evening, — all this without anj
^ My companion compared the Dead Sea to Glendalooghi in 'Wicfv'^'
and quoted —
* 0 Qlendalough, thy gloomy shore
The skyhirk never warbles o'er.'
But he confessed that it was of monstrous proportions to Glendalougr^' ^^
story of St. Kevin and Kathleen (Moore's Melodies) can scarcely 1» P*^
leled ; the nearest approach to it is that of the Empress Eudoxia following"'^
hermit to his retreat near Jericho, at the Wady Kelt As this lady was conta*
ARAB AHMY ON THE MAfiCH. 3*77
Turkish Guards, accompanied only by my own atten-
dants and by a few Arabs, as if there were no such thing
as war or fighting, or even thieving, in the world. There
were only too much of aU three — ^both near and afar off
— ^yet they did not trouble us.
Hostilities in our neighbourhood were certainly not
ended yet, for in about a week afterwards Sir Charles
O'Donnelland I were riding to Bethlehem, when, half-way
over the long plain (about a couple of miles from Jeru-
salem), there appeared at a distance to our right a body
of armed peasantry marching in the direction of the city.
These were Hhassaniyeh villagers (of the Othm&n el
Lahh&m faction), making a circuit to avoid the chance
of being encountered by the enemy, i.e. the M&likiyeh
peasantry, under Abu Gosh.
We kept on our way — ^they on theirs — but about a
mile farther, and before we had reached the Well of the
Magi,^ on the road at the southern edge of the plain, not
far from the Convent of Mftr Elias (half-way to Bethle-
hem), there came up in direct front the enemy — i.e.
the Abu Gosh force — in a body of at least eight hundred
men, half of them mounted, and carrying bright polished
spears. They were formed into a main body, and had
advanced guard and flanks.
to found a cell for herself on the opposite side of the Wady, she did not meet
the tragical fate of poor Kathleen.
^ According to the tradition of the country the * Wise Men of the East/
on their way from Eling Herod to seek for * the new-bom King ' at Bethle-
hem, halted to drink at this well^ and in stooping towards the water they
saw in it the reflection of the star which had guided them from home, but
which they had lost sight of and forgotten since leaving Jerusalem. On
seeing this they took fresh courage and ' rejoiced with exceeding great joy.
The well is known by the Moslems under the name of Kadisma or Yitbdt^
378 BETHL£fi[&M OCCUPIED.
This was a joint force of wild desert Arabs— T5ySliiL|
from the south-west, with Ta*amra, firom the DeadSeii
district, and of M&likiyeh peasants — officered by Ta'asa
Shaikhs and the Abu Gosh leaders.
I gave them no other sign of recognition than a sikil
salutation, though the chiefe were fsuniliar acquaintance
They divided to the right and left> leaving us to keg) ik
highway.
This was a remarkable sight ; and it was well that i
British general who had so lately been with the annji*
the Danube should witness the actual condition of ^
province. What if the peasant warriors of the other m
whom we had but lately passed, had now been upon ie
road or even in view ?
This little army was evacuating Bethlehem (wlM^
we were going, and only six miles from Jerusalem), ^
order of the Pashk, who had insisted upon a truce ; onlj
instead of quitting in three hours, as ordered, the/ i*
remained three days assaulting Bait Jala and fighting*
battle. Meanwhile Abu Gk)sh and his allies, about 10
strong, had occupied Bethlehem for about a fortD^|'
while Othm&n occupied the opposite village of ^
Jala.
We had heard a good deal about the wild Arab ^
in Bethlehem, and how the flat-roofed houses had been
fortified with hastily improvised battlements, and o0
were some of these Arabs. Even now. though no loDg^
fighting, instead of quietly retiring southwards towar*
Hebron, these desert warriors were going with an sir ^
defiance past the very walls of Jerusalem to Ktiriet el
Anab (on the road to Jafia, the cajntal of Abu W
I
THE CONVENTS SHttT UP. S^9
Tliose allies they were, and under whose leadership the
vliole force acted).
Yet with all this outward bravado the orders of the
Pashk were so far obeyed. The combatants had ceased
to fight, and were drawing off their forces. Strange the
reverence of these people for the very name and sem-
blance of government. What could our helpless old
Pashk have done to enforce his orders had the people
been minded to disregard them ?
We rode. on to Bethlehem. Just before entering
the town we saw below us, at some distance, the
* Shepherd's Field ' (the Ekwftt), still fiill of the Tiyfthah
Bedaween, amusing themselves with galloping over the
green level.
The streets of the town were full of people. Arrived
at the convent we had to enter by a side postern, the
main gate having been closed for three days past for
defence. This was not because the inmates of the con-
vent, Greek, Latin, or Armenian, were concerned in the
war, but for safety. It would not have been prudent to
allow the entrance of the wild hordes, who wotdd scarcely
have departed (even without a glimpse of the rich church
plate and jewels which all Orientals know to be in the
treasuries of the various sanctuaries), imless after pay-
ment to them of heavy ransom. So the gate was shut,
and no man permitted to enter unless with great precau-
tion and after careftil scrutiny.
We stayed some time conversing with the President,
newly installed in office, and a very gentlemanly monk ;
then visited the sanctuaries ; after which we proceeded
on our way to visit the British subjects living on the farm
380 URTAS ALL SAFE.
at Urtas, which, as before said, lies in the valley south of
Bethlehem. At ten minutes beyond Bethlehem we paused
an outpost of men stationed for the night, commanding
the high road. The Shaikh of TJrtas, J4d Allah, hap-
pened to be in Bethlehem (very naturally, when such
stirring affairs were on foot), and he accompanied us
over the hills to his valley. He informed us that in the
action above mentioned of the day before yesterday,
fought after the signing of the truce imposed by the
Fashk, Othm&n el Lahh&m had lost one man and two
women, besides the wounded. The alhes had lost three
men and two mares of Arab high race. It was calcu-
lated that above a thousand bullets must have been
discharged in the space of two hours— so said our in-
formant.
The provisions of Bethlehem had been devoured by
the strangers, so that the convents had to send to Jeru-
salem for bread. The Meshullam &mily in Urtas had
had no bread to eat for three days, and their market
vegetables were perishing on the ground for want of
being sold, as they could not be conveyed to the city or
to Bethlehem as usual.
This was inconvenient, but it did not last long.
The strange thing to my companions' mind was to see
this Meshullam family quietly living in the lonely valley,
entirely without guards of any kind, among the few
peasant natives, seemingly so secure in the very midst
of village warfare and an invasion of desert Arabs. There
was no pretence of any show of weapons for defence —
scarce a lock to the cottage doors. Yet no man ven-
tured to molest these British subjects or to touch so
MDIKG BY DAY— WRITING AT NIGHT. 381
much as a green leaf of the vegetables and fruit trees
which belonged to them.
It being already late we stayed but a few minutes at
Urtas and proceeded up the VaUey to Solomon's Pools,
that our visitor might have an opportunity of seeing
them. It was sunset when our horses' heads were turned
homewards.
When past Eachel's Sepulchre we saw a small extem-
porised fort (Shunah) alongside the high road, and heard
shots and warlike cries at intervals to our left. Signal-
fires were burning at Bait Sahhoor, on our right, and at
Bait Safdfa, on our left. Near M&r Elias (night had now
come on) my kawwSs pointed out a spot upon the road
where a dozen Hebronites had been plundered that very
morning.
On approaching the gates of Jerusalem we found that
several friends, who had taken alarm at our absence so
late, were mounting at the gate in order to set out and
look for us, and an arrangement had been made that
they were to be followed after an interval by some of
the Bashi-Bozuk, in case of their not speedily returning
with us.
As this narrative has shown, we had on leaving home
in the morning but httle idea of the state of affairs
throughout the range of our excursion. And yet, if I did
not know what was going on, who did ? Certainly not
the Government.
There was an Austrian post starting next day (Sun-
day), so before going to bed I sat down and wrote a
report to Constantinople of the present condition of the
district The chiefe of Tiyfihah Bedaween took the op-
/
portunity ol
capital on t
a visit of CO
HisExc
allowed the
presents of
go and pluD
383
CHAPTER XIV.
QUIET AMIDST DISTURBANCES.
Arrival of Troopa — ^Proclamation of the War — ^Bobberies near the Oity —
Village Fightings — ^Uneasiness in Nabloos and in Jaffii — ^'Abderrahhm&n
at Hebron Troublesome — ^Departure of the Fashft— Petition of the Mos-
lems— Daily life — Safety of the English Colony and Immunity from
Aunoyance.
A BATTALION of Turkish troops arrived on the very next
day (Sunday, Oct. 28), to garrison the city. It consisted
of six companies, and was commanded by a Bin-Bashi, or
Major. We had heard a fortnight before that the invalids
of the regiment . had landed at Jafia, while the others
were marching down from Aleppo. Though glad enough
to hear of any military occupation of the dty, we were
nevertheless dissatisfied at this particular corps being
destined for us, seeing that it was the one which had
disgraced itself by aiding in the fanatic massacre of Chris-
tians at Aleppo, a few years before.^ This circumstance
added new force to the sinister forebodings of the poor
frightened native Christians, who had never ceased to
expect a sudden rising of the Moslems and a massacre at
least as soon as war should be announced.
However, we had once more soldiers in the barracks
^ These soldiers gave ns yery little trouble ; and^ as the nairatiTe showsi
there never was a rising of the Moslems against the Ohristians. One or two
cases of misconduct on the pert of private soldiers received prompt punish-
ment on appeal being made to the Oommnndant for redress,
384 TROOPS ARRIVED.
and sentinels at the gates, and it was to be hoped
would now be some control exercised over the peasBfay;
that the Bedaween would retire from the mountains is2
their own deserts. It was wonderfid that all had Mto
gpne off so quietly in the city. Of late the bazaars d
streets of Jerusalem had been thronged on Fridays, M.
being both market and mosque prayer day, brings 3b
lems in from all the country round.
The crowds had consisted not merely of anned pes-
santry, who it might be hoped would be peaceable, Js
being pretty well accustomed to intercourse with tte
Christian fellow-countrymen, but there was nioreovff
the unwonted spectacle to be seen of swarms of dese^
men, with spear and gun, pushing their way through tie
streets, casting longing eyes at the fruits and the swe*
and the wares exposed for sale. There was no small m
that some slight accident might provoke a quarrel witfl
some of these haughty, quick-tempered gentry; ^
where then would the fray have ended ?
We were not sorry to see sentinels once more ga^'
ing the city gates, and to observe that no more Bedawr
Arabs came crowding into the narrow streets.
On October 25th news came to us of prodamalaoD »
war having been actually made by the Turkish authon-
ties in Bayroot, and that all Eussian persons (and p^
perty), till their departure, were placed under the Austn^o
Consulates throughout the coimtry.
. Next day the proclamation was made in our street
together with an exhortation to all to keep the peace i
home. Nothing surprised me more than the silence, ^
Oriental gravity, with which the proclamation was^
WAR ANNOUNCED BY CASTLE GUNS. 385
ceived by the populace. This probably arose from the
feeling that the actual conflict was likely to be kept at
some distance, and that the two greatest Powers of those
represented at Jerusalem were heartily with the Sultan.
The presence of the newly-arrived troops seemed to have
some moral effect. The proclamation had been purposely
delayed until their arrival. No disorders were attempted,
and so far well.
Two days later, on the 28th, being Friday (the Mos-
lem Sabbath or festival day of the week), the official
Firm&n declaring war was read in Council at the
Seraglio previous to public prayers in the Hhar&m-esh-
Shereef, or Noble Sanctuary. It was imderstood that this
document had been drawn up with a particular view to
compose the minds of native Christians of the Greek rite,
and in order to commend them to the honourable pro-
tection of all faithful Moslems, as loyal subjects. A
salute of twenty-one guns was then fired from the Castle.
The idea was circulated among the people that the
salute was made on account of a Firm&n having arrived
to say that the Sultan's army had taken a number of castles
in the Danubian provinces ; that is to say, on account of
victory gained by their army over the enemy. This idea
was carried north, south, east, and west as far as the
thunder of the artillery had echoed among the moun-
tains and valleys, and fell upon the quick ears of the
peasantry, or Bedawy Arabs, telling them that the For-
tress City was in the hands of the Great Padishah.
It was commonly said that the Mufti and the Shaikh
of Nebi Daood (chief of the guardians of David's Tomb)
VOL. I. CO
386 OUR NEW G0MMAIO)ANr.
were eagerly employed in astrological studies, inqoii^
as to the coming events according to planetary influent
etc., at the moment of war being proclaimed.
After the public prayers I visited our newmilitaT
commander, the Bin-Bashi, and found liim to be a n»ni
energetic sort of man than we had been accustomed ^;
not one of those who dawdle about the streets whsi tk
sun is not too hot, with shoes down at heel, followed bj
corporals or privates, one bearing the burden of his p^
another that of his tobacco-bag.
This man's well-worn uniform, and the &ded ribboi
from which hung two gold medals, bespoke him to bei
working man who had seen some true service.
The arrival of the troops certainly had a good effa^
restoring some measure of confidence within the dtj ^
some feeling among the peasantry that the Sublime Go-
vernment was not a mere name. That order had ^
yet been established was made sufficiently clear by ^
incidents of the very next few days.
On October 31st, after a long day's writing, I ^
leaving the city gate for our evening ride, when a pe^csi
stepped forward from a group near the little Customs ofe
and drew my attention to a young man who had i^
the interpreter of the Russian Archimandrite. I was toM
that he had been not long before on that day robbed W
stripped by three peasants in open daylight, just below, at
the large upper Pool of Mamilla, within sight and heaii^
of townspeople, and had to walk nearly stark-naked ^
to the city gate, where some clothes were provided fo
him. The same day there had also been a robbery of *
native traveller from Damascus by four horsemen od tl^
BOBBEBIEa 387
Jafia road, at no greater distance from Jerasalem than the
other.
Contmuing my ride (my children were with me) over
the Maid&n, or public place and promenade, now occupied
by the great Eussian buildings, I observed that most of
our people were out also. The Prussian pastor, Mr.
Valentiner, was demonstrating to a friend his interesting
theory (set forth in papers read at our Literary Society)
as to the site of the Tower of BQppicus. Others were
enjoying the bright air and sunshine in various ways,
some mounted, some on foot ; children running about.
We had lately had an arrival from Europe of a missionary
clergjrman and his wife, with a young English lady-assist-
ant for Miss Cooper's Jewish school. Our community
was increasing in numbers, and here was now almost
everybody belonging to our congregation, English, Ger-
man, and others.
As the sun was setting all our people walked or rode
in at the Jafia gate. I was coming iq last, when a poor
man (Oriental) with a monkey and a drum, and driving
a donkey, came up to my kawwds, biu^sting into tears
and wringing his hands, teUing me that twenty peasants
had just before fallen upon himself and his son, whom
they shot dead, and made ofi* with all the asses that had
been entrusted to his care, except the one which we saw.
On hearing this, and seeing the two English ladies
who were mistresses in the Bishop's school sauntering in
the open fields by twilight, I followed them, advising
them not to delay afi;er sunset, but return to the city.
In town I sent word at once to the military com-
mander, calling on him to take whatever steps might be
0 0 2
388 RUSSIAN DRAGOMANS TALE.
necessary.^ It was dear that something must be done
protection of people and for the repression of crime.
repaired early in the next day to our poor old PteWi to
represent the outrages of yesterday and the growii^ &
orders, and was present by his desire at an examioatiofici
the cases. That of the Bussian dragoman being stdppei
was not satisfactory ; there was something in it wind
needed explanation. On being asked whether he W
laid his complaint before the Austrian Consul he saB i^
was not worth while to do so ! And yet the affairs of 4^
Bussians were left in charge of the Austrian CodsiL
We were not satisfied with the man's story.
About noon fifteen more robberies were reported to
me as having occurred within an hour, particularly <v
of some Algerine Jews (French subjects), on their ^
from Jaffa, who were plundered at the village of Kal6ni
When they arrived within sight of Jerusalem they ^
the son of Hhaj Musta^Ei Abu Gosh. Now, Abu GoA
was not only the ruling chief of that district, but ^
actually salaried by the Turkish Government in order to
ensure the Jaffa road being kept safe.- (He recei^
about 500/. a year for this purpose.)
* The reooxd of this day's events closes with the mention of am 1i>^
ohUged to sit up veiy late that night on aoooimt of some work "^uch I^
obliged to finish ; my husband meanwhile reading to me a part o^^^
^ PhflDdon ' in English, and conYersLng over the views which Socn^ ^
about the world to come.
It is worth mentioning, as showing the kind of reereatioa wlue^ ^
fireshed him most after the cares and anxieties of the day. Up early e^
morning, the first hour or two was devoted to his Hebrew and Aiti^*^
Turkish Bible. The day was one of incessant labour, with oftes «$xA
time for even a hurried meal, or, as on this day, a few minutes for ^f
and exercise. Many nights were taken up even till daydawn with olB^
writing ; but sometimes, he was sufficientiy at leisure to get some reft^'^
above-mentioned. — Ebitob's Noib.
ABU OOSH SENT FOR. 389
The poor people having related their calamity to the
young Abu Gosh, he promised to recover what they had
lost for a douceur of 400 piastres. This sum they gave
him, and he rode off laughing at their simplicity. Again
I visited the Pashk, reminding him that the high road
must be kept safe, and represented that Hhaj Mustafa
Abu Gosh should be at once sent for and brought into
town to answer for his conduct ; that this should be done
by sending royal troops to fetch him if necessary. Well,
promises were made that Abu Gosh should be in town
next day. The Fashk did have a letter written to the
offender asking him to come and visit him on the morrow.
And what next ? A young nephew appeared instead, and
he was told orally that the chief ' ought to chastise the
offending villages alongside the road and have the losses
restored to the poor travellers.'
His Excellency the Pashk who had pronounced this
decision then implored my official dragoman to leave, for
that he, being eighty years old, had been sitting eight
hours in council on business of this kind. Abu Gosh
did not appear, neither was he compelled to appear.
Meanwhile our Bishop had sent to the Consulate to
represent that persecutions had been stirred up by the
Greeks in ITabloos. The Moslems had been incited
to annoy and vex the native Protestants by personal
insults and by illegal augmentation of taxes. I des-
patched my chief dragoman to Nabloos to inquire and
take necessary measures. We succeeded in getting the
needful orders from the Fashk in time for him to leave
the city before the gates closed. He was to sleep in a
cottage outside the city, so as to be ready to start by
3dO TttOUBLE IN MAfiLCX)a
daybreak next morning. After five days' abeojceai
Nabloos my dragoman returned with so saious sb
account that it was necessary for me to go and lay tbe
case personally before the Pashk. The poor old rm
was very ill, and seemed hardly to understand what ws
being said, and he was compelled to leave us.
The distresses of the Nabloos Protestants not ban^
relieved, I soon had to direct the Vice-Consul of Cai&
to repair thither to make inquiries and exercise moal
suasion on their behalf. This Nabloos is notoriously oo^
of the most turbulent and fanatical places in Syria. I
felt sure that the very presence of an English officii
would have some beneficial effect, and so it really tumefl
out, for in a very short time the schools were ^
attended and pubUc worship resumed. The sdm
room (used also for a chapel on Sundays) and its fonfl-
ture were the property of the Church Missionary Soa^i
in London, and therefore entitled to protection bytte
Consulate fix)m being injured by any mob or otherwise.
The disturbances in the Hhassaniyeh viQages soutfr
west were meanwhile still rife, and at last the FrencD
Consul succeeded in stirring up the Pashk to do some-
thing. The result of this was that four companies of
infantry, with some Bashi-Bozuk and the two fie^
pieces, left the city for the village of Wellajeh, in ^
heart of the south-west district, where fighting hd so
long been going on.
I went a few days later to inspect the district, an*
on crossing over from St. Philip's fountain ^ to Wellajek i
^ The place, according to Latin and Armenian traditions, of the Up^
of the Ethiopian treasurer.
A HOBBER OF WOMEN PUNISHED. 891
found that village was deserted, except that people were
removing as much as possible of the doors and rafters
of their houses, which were stiU smouldering and
smoking from the fires that had been lighted to destroy
them.
My wife and I watched the work of destruction for
some time, and then went (accompanied, of course, by
my kaww^) over the hills, by the ruggedest of tracks, to
Ain Karem, where we rested in the ruined Church of
Zachariah, and had refreshments brought from the village
and listened to another account of the affairs of the
district. We got back to the dty just before gate-
shutting.
The next incident, a couple of days later, was that
a wedding party of peasant women were robbed of their
silver ornaments at Mar Girgis, a very small remnant of
a Greek convent, opposite to and ahnost within gunshot
of the Jaffa gate, by peasants who had crept behind the
wall of the mulberry plantation there. To molest women
at all is considered so heinous an offence that this inci-
dent showed to what lengths the faction rivalries and
fightings were leading the people. However, one of the
thieves was caught, and was thrashed all the way down
to the Seraglio by a stout negro.
The French Consul sent his caneelUkre^ M. Lequeux,
to inform me of a riot at Jaffa, which town was still
destitute of any garrison. Some of the Moslems had
broken into and plundered many houses of the Christians
and Jews, and the French Consul desired to know if I
would, as well as himself, apply to the Pashk to send
S92 'abderrahhmAn again.
some in&ntry down from the Castle in Jerusalem to Hsi I
important town. This we both did in form.
The next disturbances were at Beereh, on the noitl
road, about three hours from Jerusalem^ that place b^
assailed by Abu Gtosh and by his ally (at present), Dn
Simhh&n, and the Jericho Arabs.
We in Jerusalem were more concerned in what to
going on at Hebron. Here the Governor, 'Abderrahli-
m&n, that old disturber of the peace, took advantage d
the weakness of the Government and of the infirmities
of the Fashk He began to levy avanias (ill^al exao
tions) not only on the Jews (to him a never-ceasing
source of gain), but likewise upon the Mohammedan
inhabitants of the town and district The latter kq^
me informed of his tyrannies with a little more couiJ^
than the Jews could muster, they being deterred ^
fright from even writing to me, or from coming to Jeni-
salem, lest the spies about them should have anythifig to
report to the tyrant.^ He actually kept his name on the
Jewish books containing the list of poor entitled to
rehef from the charitable funds, and he used to send for
payment of his * share ' three days before the time wbei
it was due.
The disorders at last rose to such a pitch thattk
inhabitants of the south-western district, in the Philistii^
Plain, and of Gaza addressed a petition to His Excellei^
Wamek Pashk, Governor-General of Syria in Bayroo^
The petitioners were, of course, Moslems, and they set
forth the wrongs and grievances endured by the unfo^'
^ Id ipsum juventos quod timuissent. — Tacitus.
THE pashX's FOLLOWEBS. 393
tunate people within the Jerusalem Pashklic governed
by Hh&fiz Pashk.
.The very rusticity of the style and the names given
in it give character to this document, which is an un
commonly curious one. I append it in full.
In it are set forth the causes of the unwonted dis-
turbances of the past season.
Our old Pashk, feeble and' infirm as he was, and per-
sonally very much to be pitied for having the burden
and charge of office to support at his great age, and in
iU-health, had been governing the country by means of the
well-known principle in Turkish rule already described,
' Divide et impera.' Without troops, without strength of
any kind, how else was he to govern the country at all ?
• There is one great advantage to the rulers themselves
in carrying out this principle, especially if they are in
need of money or of any other good : both parties will
bid for favour and countenance — ^both will bid and bribe
for influence that may turn the scale against the rival,
whether it be suitor at law, district chief, foreign govern-*
ment, or rival church.
Hhd£z Pashk, moreover, being too old to be capable
of any personal exertion, was completely in the hands
of a knot of his own creatures — his treasurer, his secre-
tary, &c. — ^who are repeatedly mentioned in the petition
here given. These were hangers-on who had come into
the country with him, and who had still their fortunes to
make, still their own way to push upwards to office and
its opportunities for golden harvests.
They foimd a congenial character in the man whom
we have already described, Khaleel Aga er-Eess4s, chief
394 MI80BIEP SUBBED tP.
of the police. This man was the terror of the dty abd d
the country. He knew everybody and everybody het
him. We find him mentioned in the petition as havii^
stirred up dissensions among the peasant factions, not (nlj
in the districts under Abu Gosh and Othman el LaUioi,
of which so much has been said in the foregoing narratiifie,
but also between the members of the Simhhdn &mily, OQ
the north-west, and at Bait Jibreen, on the edge of ^
Philistine country. No more fitting tool could have be©
found than this E^haleel Aga er-BessSs, if mischief was to
be stirred up and money extracted firom the people aH
round But who employed him ?
Hence the fightings north, south, east, and west of
us, and the ugly Ust of so many sums of piastres delivered
to the Fashk's agents.
Hence also the incursions of the wild Arabs — ^invit^
by both sides as allies — encouraged by the * treasurer ' d
the Pashk ; fed, entertained, given new garments, and
significantly styled ' My Arabs.' Can anything be more
piteous than the passage in which the poor victims of
spoliation tell the Governor-General that they *camiot
tell the meaning of this friendship ' between the Paahi s
treasurer and the wild folk ? — * what he has received tom
them or what he has given them we cannot tell.* B ^
easy to guess what he must have received ; and as for
what he gave, licence to plunder the peasantry was aD
they desired, and that they got, instead of stem repres-
sion within their desert territory.
We find the chief of police employed to drive away
and silence the complainants from Nabloos, who, when
they came 600 in number to represent the gross wr
Wrongs and gbievanges. 3d5
justice they had suffered, found that their oppressor had
been beforehand with them, and had by bribes ensured
that they should be refused a hearing. In their exaspe-
ration and despair some of them climbed the minarets
whence the hours for prayer are announced by the
Muezzin, and there they cried aloud and proclaimed
over the city the oppression under which they, true
Moslem subjects of the Sultan, now suffered, till Hh&fiz
Pashk sent the chief of the police to beat them and drive
them away from the dty, saying, *You are all in the
wrong I '
As for the history of the additional irregular horse
raised by orders of the Governor-General, as some sort
of military force for protection of the country — ^the way
in which the commands of companies of forty or fifty
were sold to the highest bidder, and the pay of the men
was kept back to be spent in bribes — aU this waa not
new. Yet never were bribery and corruption of every
kind so rampant, so shameless as in the days of Hh&fiz
Fashik.
Unhappy old Hh4fiz Pashk at last left us for good —
certainly for our good — on December 17, 1853, carried
down in a palanquin to Jaffa, on his way to Constanti-
nople. He left us under a salvo of sixteen guns from
the Castle. During the operation of firing one of the
artiUerymen had his arm diot off, through the ignorance
of his comrade about stopping the vent after the gun had
been discharged and before reloading.
This was the last calamity that occurred at Jerusalem
under his Excellency the Musheer Hh&fiz Fashk.
396 PETtriON TO THE GOVEBNOR OERBKAXi.
Translation of Petition to H.E. Wamek Pa^ha WaU
of Saida^ &c.
EXOBLLENOY,
We, your petitioners, beg to bring to your 'ExceJleDcfB
notice the following circumstances.
When your Excellency first honoured our country in&
your illustrious presence, Jerusalem and its dependencies mst
in perfect rest and tranquillity, by reason of the due ezeciitio&
of justice, which was always attended to for the benefit of the
exalted (Government.
We wish to draw your Excellency's attention to tiie trouhlK
which are now existing amongst all the subjects of His Ma-
jesty the Padishah,
The villages of Graza are utterly ruined on account of ^
plundering of the Arabs, and no one has been able to keq>
them back from doing so. The reason is as follows : —
By means of Adham Effendi, the treasurer of H.E. Hhafis
Pasha, these Arabs, whether Shaikhs or even mere ehepherdsi
frequently visit his Excellency, who receives them with peaied
freedom, and gives them entire liberty to be seated iu his pre-
sence ; pipes and coffee are served to every one of them,
besides that during their stay he provides them with food,
and before their departure he makes them presents of nev
dresses.
Having such indulgences, no sooner do they come to the
villages above mentioned than plundering ensues ; and if any
of the Bashi-Bozuk officers go [i.6. are sent by Government] to
prevent such bad proceedings, they take no heed [of them], and
that for the above reason.
The cause of all these things is Adham Effendi, who styles
them ^ My Arabs.' We cannot tell the meaning of this friend-
ship ; what he bias received from them or what he has gives
them we cannot tell.
We are sure that the losses and damages which have oc-
curred to the villages of G-aza within the last two years — i^
within the appointment of H.E. Hhafiz Pashd. to this country—
PETITION TO THE GOVEKNOR GENERAL. 397
amountB to ten thousand purses,^ and this we are ready to show
when your Excellency's command shall arrive summoning us
to appear before your Excellency. If your Excellency desires
it, inquiries to this effect may be made from Mustafa Bek
es-Saeed.
Now, your Excellency being Musheer in these lands in
order to distinguish right from wrong, God forbid that your
slaves should have to suffer hardships and troubles, because, as
we have already mentioned, on your first arrival we were in
perfect ease and safety, as your Excellency well knows.
Your petitioners now wish to bring to notice the affairs of
the Jerusalem district.
Moosa el Ahhmad has been made by the Mejlis [Council]
to pay down 90,000 piastres.
Ibrahim Abd er-Rezek and Jehhya el Ma'aroof have both
paid 10,000 piastres.
Also after the arrival of the Mushirial order to Hh§£z Pash&
to replace the Sadek family in their villages near Nabloos,
Hashem Effendi, the secretary of Hhafiz Pash^ delayed to obey
till he had received from them 40,000 piastres, after which, on
Sunday last, they were reinstated by Musta& Aga the Bosnian,
a well-known and able officer of the Bashi-Bozuk soldiery.
No doubt it has reached your Excellency's knowledge that
it was Kasem el Ahhmad who devastated the country of Sadek
and banished that &mily from it, after which, in order to silence
the members of the Mejlis [Council] and Hashem Effendi, he
sent 100,000 piastres through Ehaleel Effendi el Afeefi. The
Sadek people, 600 in number, came to Jerusalem to make their
complaint, but no one would hear them ; then they felt obliged
to go up to the highest minaret in the city and cry out, ^ Per-
secuted I persecuted ! ' on which H. E. Hhafiz Psabd, ordered
Khaleel er-Bessas, the Chief of the Police, to beat them, and
drive them away from the city — saying, * You are all in the
wrong!'
Consider and behold, then, 0 Excellency, this persecution
wMch is a teproach on the Sublime Porte, which desires only
^ Equal to 4^^000^. 100 piastres were equal to nearly 1/. sterling.
898 PETmON TO THE OOVERXOR GENERAL.
justice, and to distixigaiBh between the persecutor aai tkt
perseouted.
As for Hhussain Ibm Simhh&n, when he arrived here bel^
ing your Excellency's command to H. E. Hhafiz Pasltt, de
Divan Effendi asked of him 10,000 piastres and took thv.
After that he sowed dissensions between him and his oooii
'Abdu 1 Lateef, by means of Khaleel er-Ressas [Chief of tk
PoUce].
Up to this moment we have no peace reigning among tho.
but they have been killing the fiEtctions on each side d
plundering each other. Several times they have both beea to
H. E. Hh&fi2 Pash&. G-od preserve him, and increase tiie lib
untahiox for making a ■J^H.UmftTif^ between themi buthe(U
not know how.
As for Abu Gosh and Othman el Lahham, until now th?
have keen killing on each side ; about thirty have been IM
for the reason that H. E. Hh&fiz Pasha displaced the Shaikh (J
'Ain Karem, but his Div&n Effendi wished to replace him fort
consideration of 2,500 piastres, i.6., 1>500 for himself, and \ff^
to Khaleel er-Ressas. This is the foundation of the hostilities
between Abu Gosh and Othm&n el Lahh&m : by these meatf
villages have been ruined, property plundered, and the Up
roads become unsafe, for robberies are conmiitted even beneiA
the walls of Jerusalem. Moreover, between the villa^ «
Latroon and Kub&b, on the Jaffa road, forty Jews and d^i
tians have been robbed, yet H. K Hhafiz Pashi has dom ^-
solutely nothing.
As for Muslehh el Azizi [Shaikh of Bait Jibreen], Adbtft
Effendi and Khaleel er-Ressas have sown dissensions betweel
him and his cousin Neajeh, so that from the latter M
accepted a horse and 3,000 piastres; the liorse is still vii
Adham Effendi.
A short time since an order came from your Ezcelleney
200 additional horses should be added to the irregular soldi^
for protection of the country.
By the Eternal God and by your blessed head, HaA'
PETITION TO THE GOVERNOR GENERAL. 399
Effendi and Adham Sffendi, by means of Ehalec^l er^RessaSy have
sold the appointments to them for money I
A command of fifty they gave to Abu Hhawaij, for which
they received 300 gazis (a gold coin worth abont 4«.) : his son
by night delivered them to Divan Effendi in his house. Ismail
Aga Abu Tabanjah had given him 50 horsemen for 250 gazis,
which were delivered to Divan Effendi, and Ahhmed Aga
Berbar had allotted to him 50 hortaemen, for which he paid
down 300 gazis to Adham Effendi the treasurer.
Hhussain Aga the ex-governor of Ramlah has plundered
that district ; his owa share amounted to 50,000 piastres. If
Your Excellency desires to have particulars of this, enquiries
may be made of Hhasan Effendi 'Abdu'1-Hadi, living in Ram-
lah.
Again all the briberies which the officers of the Bashi-
Bozuk have made to the above-mentioned individuals have
been deducted from the pay of their poor soldiers. When
enquiries will be made respecting this and the officers deny
it, then the soldiers will be ready to declare and prove it.
And now, if Your Excellency desire the complete rest and
tranquillity of His Majesty's subjects, let it please you to send
an order summoning the following persons before Your Ex-
cellency : —
Mustafisi Aga Kara Bairakd&r.
Musta& Aga the Bosnian.
Durweesh Aga.
Moosa el Ahhmad, ibn es Sadek.
Ibrahim 'Abd er Rez&k of Abu Zaid.
Hhusain es Simhhan.
'Abdhul-Lateef es-Simhh&n.
Mustafa Abu G-osh.
'Othman el Lahham.
Muslehh el Azizi.
Odeh Ibn Ateeyeh.
Shaikh Ayash el Wahhad.
And these slaves of your Gt)vemment,^ when they appear in
1 The title of a Musheer is ' Your Qoverament?
400 DAILY LIFE AT THE CONSULATE.
the noble Divftn [Council J of your Excellency, ^iH dedaie tk
truth doubly over and above what is here mentioned.
And now whereas the Sublime Crovernment (may God 9^
lish the throne of her ' successors to the end of the wdd!]
desires only justice^ we have no means of redress or helper k
the truth but in her officers and noble Wazeers, paiticdsd?
your merciful Government who cannot desire this persecntisB.
Have mercy on those who are upon earth, so that ikm b
heaven may have mercy on you ; give us the hand of helpai
deliver us !
EDITOR'S NOTE.
The sketch which this narrative gives of the conditi(si€i
the Holy Land, and more especially of Jerusalem a&d iti
neighbourhood, would scarcely be complete without some notke
of the daily life we led, and which my husband had omtixi,
doubtless on the ground that this was not intended to be a p
Bonal history of himself or even of his own official life. W
this daily life was influenced by the state of things arotmdis,
and was not without its own influence in return apon tk
people among whom we lived. Allusion has already been ina<fc
to the absolute immunity from annoyance which the Engli^
colony enjoyed. Some idea has been given incidentally of ^
freedom which was enjoyed — of the daily walks and rite
the going and coming, and business carried on, as if there ^
no disturbances in the country.
The journals written at the time are full of allusions to the*
little incidents — ^to the rambles in the fields * gathering J^
crocuses,' or other flowers — to the rides and walks over the Beth-
lehem plain — to the spoils brought in from shooting expeditioi^
— to the strolls outside the gates and in the Western vaB?
just before sunset — to the early morning walks before break*
fast — and in all these the young children took their full siare.
All these rides and walks, and still longer excursions in tb^
Southern district, were made in perfect safety and comfort, o^
> ' Qovemment' is a feminine noim in AiaUe,
SOCIAL EVENINGS. 401
man so much as uttering one uncivil expression by the way-
side, or seeking to molest our party on the homeward road after
dark in the evening.
Not even when the Consul was riding quite alone, as he
sometimes was obliged to do, if business required his Kawwases
to be sent elsewhere — not even then was there anything but
the utmost civility and respect shown by all whom he met.
In the city there was at this time a good deal of sociable
intercourse among the European residents, and the Journal
contains frequent mention of the interchange of friendly visits,
as also of evening gatherings at the Consulate and the houses
of the other Europeans, besides meetings for the purpose of
studying Hebrew, Arabic, German, and modern Grreek ; also
for the practice of music for our Church services, and attend-
ance at Bible readings in the Bishop's house, anniversary cele-
brations at the schools, or mission institutions, or the house of
the Eev. J. Nicolayson.
The meetings of the Jerusalem Literary Society were held
weekly at the Consulate for discussion of all topics that could
serve to illustrate Biblical history or topography, or natural
history.
At the opening meeting in the spring of this year there had
been fifty persons invited, and among those who actually attended
were three Prussians, two Danes, one^Swede, one Bavarian, besides
travellers, and now the weekly meetings were resumed for the
winter season, and afforded opportunities for pleasant inter-
course and exchange of ideas upon the varied subjects of
interest connected with the Bible and with the Holy Land.
Friendly intercourse was also kept up with the chiefs of the
various religious institutions, the Latin, Greek, and Armenian
Patriarchs, with the convents, with the Syrian, Coptic, and
Abyssinian communities, and with the Jewish Sabbis.
The Greek printing press was now at work in the Convent
of St. Michael, and the family who were in charge were an in-
teresting addition to the society in Jerusalem. Their intelligence
and courteous manner made a visit to the printing works a
most pleasant relaxation. It was curious to visit this family
VOL. L D D
402 SERVICES AT CHRISTCHURCIL
and to listen to the parents conversing in mellifluent Gni
with their sons and daughtexs, calling them hy gadmaiKSfe
Leonidas, Themistocles, and Cleopatra. One could notke^
hoping that the day might he near at hand when boob i
general literature, for old and young, might issue from this pRi
as well as religious works.
The English printing press had been for many years is ttt
possession of the Jewish Mission, a gift from some benebctif
to the Holy City. Possibly the feet that the Ghreek Coow*
had set theirs to work might prove to our own people o
incentive to setting Jewish Converts to work in similar b^
at least we hoped this might be one good result in store.
To return to our narrative and to the subject of the cbori
and the various services carried on regularly at the period w
which this history refers, and of which the Journals written «1
the time contain so many interesting details.
Christians of all the various churches were constantly ii
the habit of coming to watch, even though they might not l»
able to understand, what was going on. The heartiness of tie
responses, and the singing of the whole congregration al^.^
took them by surprise. Grreat interest was expressed in tbf
Episcopal form of our Church, and in our Liturgy. One Maloff
English member of our congregation chose a seat near Die
door of the church, where he might be at hand to give s (Xff!
of the Prayer-book in the proper Eastern or Western t»ng»»
to whoever looked likely to be able to read it> and for tte
purpose he had a pile of books in various languages ready 1)!
his side. They were always gratefully received, and aometijo^
read, not only during the prayers, but during the sermon aL*
Not only Christians, but Turkish soldiers have sometimes si
there reading our Arabic Prayer-book, if they happened to
understand that language.
When their local dissensions and their grievances agaiB^
the Turkish authorities brought some of the principal natiw
Moslems from Nabloos to Jerusalem, several parties of theffl
visited our church, and expressed their satisfaction at finding
in it neither pictures nor images. Indeed they stronpj
(
VARIOUS NATIONS AND LANGUAGES. 403
denied that it could be a ' Church ' (Keueeseh), and said it was
a Mesjid, ' place of worship,' and even of ^ true worship.' They
approved of the Ten Commandments and of the Lord's Prayer
(inscribed in Hebrew) at the Communion Table. Perhaps it
was from a motive of politeness that they declined to hear
(when the offer was made to them) the contents of the other
tablet, namely the Apostles' Creed.
The Christmas services this year in our Church were pecu-
liarly interesting. First, there was the early Arabic service
fully attended. Then followed the 10 o'clock English service, in
the course of which was celebrated the baptism of a Sephardi
Jewess, the married daughter of one of the converts ; this was
conducted in the Judseo-^panish.
The Holy Communion was attended by many, and five
languages were used fpr the various communicants, i.e. Eng-
lish, Grerman, Judseo-Spanish, Arabic, and Hebrew. Not a few
converted Israelites were gathered together for this highest act
of Christian worship, and among the others we saw led up the
aisle a Christian Bethlehemite named Yusuf, a very old man,
quite blind and white-bearded. We afterwards learned that
this poor man, for such he was, remembered the circumstance
of Sir Sidney Smith, with his marines planting the British flag
over the Convent at Bethlehem in protection of the Christians
at the time of the invasion by the French under Napoleon
Buonaparte.
At the early Hebrew service of the two following days, the
Ante-communion service was read as well as the morning prayers,
and the converts sang in Hebrew the anthem, ' For unto us a
Son is bom,' to music composed by the lady who played the
organ (who is since dead), and whom we had heard long before
daylight (the Consulate house adjoined the church) practising
the music.
I may perhaps be excused if I add here one or two extracts
from Journals describing my husband's Sunday afternoon walks
in the neighbourhood of the Holy City with our little son of six
years.
' Sunday afternoon — walked out with A— down the slope
D D 2
404 SUNDAY AFTERNOON WALKa
of Zion towards Siloaxn* On the way we rested on the rooti
an olive-tree, and while he was pioking flowers of the Sir i
Bethlehem, I read to him out of my very little New Testae
the second chapter of Matthew. Thence we went to the W
of Siloam^ where 1 explained that it was formerly a beaA
place in om* Lord's time ; thence descending towards Bea
Eyoob, and ascending near to Aceldama, we sat down at ^
portal of a magnificent sepulchre, and I read to him the nis^
chapter of John about the pool of Siloam.
* What a wonderful collection of interesting historical spe^
are vrithin a few hundred yards around, such as Siloam, tU
King's gardens, Zion, Tophet, En Rogel, Aceldama, the Vallej«
Hinnom, with the Temple walls looking down upon us I Tbais
we sauntered up the Valley of Hinnom alongside of the iw»
gathering abundance of cyclamen, grape-hyacinth, marig»^
and pimpernel I '
Again the following ' Sunday afternoon I walked with b?
son to the Talibiyeh, where we sat in the shade of the hoa*
and read (verse about) the most of John iv,'
And again on a following Sunday * I took A — for his i&^
walk. We went to the Talibiyeh, and sat down near our doff?
looking over towards our Protestant burying-groimd and t»
road to Bethany, and we read over the eleventh chapter of J<»^
a subject consonant with the prospect, and with the recefit
occurrence of death (a death had occurred very suddenly ^
under painful circumstances), though, of course, the joj»*
resurrection is the idea which most engaged the child s »'
tention.'
Can any greater contrast be imagined than the peaca^
scenes here described, and the confusion and disorders aino^
the native population and in the machinery of govemiD^ »
between the security and repose of these quiet Sunday hoiHso®
in the open country, and the fightings among the peasant?'
the insecurity from robbery on the high roads up to the '^^
gates of the city to which other people were exposed, afl^ ^
fidence, so well justified in the safety which the goodwill
the people secured for us ?
405
CHAPTER XV.
THE JERUSALEM DISTRICT WITHOUT A VASEA.
TnrMsIi diplomacy in ruling — Condition of Nabloos and North Palestine —
Incivility of the Military Commandant and of the Kadi checked — 'Akeeli
Aga and his career — ^Mission of the Consular Kawwas — Emir-Sa'ad ed
Deen Shehabi of Hhasheya yisits Constantinople against his will, and
learns a lesson there.
* Ma fee hhukum ' — ^there is no government ; had been
the complaint of the natives during many months past ;
for some time the country had been without troops, and
now, from December 17, 1853, to the 16th of the ensuing
March, 1854, Jerusalem and the territory thereto belong-
ing were without any Pashk. The administration of govern-
ment was conducted by a Commission of the KMi
(Judge), the Mufti and the Nakeeb el AshrHf.
It was commonly said in Jerusalem at that time that
of the rulers of the district one was blind, another lame
and in extreme old age, while the third was stone deaf.
There was besides a military commander, with his in-
fantry in the barracks, but the Commission had no control
over him, for his immediate superior was the Commander-
in-Chief (Seriasker) in Damascus, and the only public
service he could render, indeed all that the Turkish
Government required of him, was to stay in his place, to
hold a few parades on the public Maidftn, and to have
the brass band perform its screeching duty morning and
406. TURKISH MODE OF RULE.
cvcningt that is to say, to let himself and his troops
seen and heard.
Even this meagre routine was not without oo:
able effect in so conservative a country. Both to
men and peasantry stood in awe of the military preso^x
and the word Dowleh^ or ' government,' still preserFed b
ascendancy as • it were by magic. The loyalty of de
people to their sovereign was undoubted. While ^lt-
rounded by elements of discord, it was to us ever ^
matter of surprise how any degree of cohesion was mab-
tained throughout the country, and yet it was maintainai
We speak here not only of this actual interregniis
while the Pashahc was held in commission, but oi the
normal condition of the Turkish rule at all times, a»3
which seems to bear a curious similarity to that of tk
Chinese. The euphemism of Turkish phraseolc^y exprese^
the process of governing by a few fixed terms denolzce
the skilful application of certain principles. Dastofi^
(friendly) is the word by which the conduct of a Fksk
towards foreign Consuls should be governed, and bendenk
(your servant) the term employed in addressing theni,
these being in effect equivalent to our usage in endii^
letters to each other by the phrase ' your humble and
obedient servant.'
For ruling native subjects, the guiding word is 'Akiland
(skilfully), while the brutal and often sanguinary conflicts
among the peasantry are described by no fiercer term
than na-saz-lik (impropriety) \ the correction of the same,
to be performed in a peaceful mode, is called the tarferf*
(setting to rights). Voormak (to strike, a word implyinii
a resort to force) is a word but rarely pronounced, and
V
DIVISIONS AND FACTIONS. 407
---len only in a subdued voice. These are specimens oi
le iatlu dil^ the * sweet tongue,' of Turkish rulers. The
: : zrte^b which accompax^ it is mainly based upon the old
jtoman principle (quoted before) of * divide and rule,' for
,v is essentially Turkish to have no district, or village,
^>r even family, if possible, without some dissensions or
; ivalry which may be alternately played off against eacli
>ther, and thus ruled without force.
The most important and widely-spread division of the
population of South Palestine is that according to which
they are all ranged under either the *Kais' or the
Yemeni fiactions, which have existed at least from the
^ earliest era of Mohammedanism. (See ante^ p. 226.) The
villages of the peasantry are, as has appeared in this his-
. tory, associated into clannish groups, such as the Hhas-
sanlyeh, tfie MaUklyeh, and others — a state of things im-
plying external hostilities as well as internal bonds of
union ; but some villages even were separated into two
rival streets, of which Malhha (the village mentioned
before in our neighbourhood, South-West) was an
example.
The Ottoman Government being at that time unable
to fiimish Turkish governors, of however mean capacity
or rank, to govern towns and districts, fomented jealousies
and competitions for obtaining the Shaikh -ship between
the leading families of a place, and then the policy was
pursued of alternately raising and depressing the rivals.
Take, for example, the town of Bethlehem. In the
days of Egyptian rule under Ibrahim Fashk the Moham-
medan population of that town was exterminated, all
but a few who were exiled. On the restoration of the
/
/
408 ORDER IN JERUSALEM.
Sultan's supremaoy the survivors came back to the im
and were allowed to multiply, but they were carefift
' factionized ' into two old-standing parties of theFawJgn,
as these Moslems are called, each party being joined tf
some of the shopkeepers. These factions often fougba
the streets, and even summoned distant allies to their aii
As for the Christians of Bethlehem — Greek, Latin, sd
Armenian — alas I who has not heard of the diBseoads
among them, instead of ' peace on earth, goodwill amaig
men'?
In Jerusalem, with the military force and a rtaff«
Government officials,, whether Turks or natives (ctessi
from among the Arab noblesse or Effendis), exten*
order was pretty well preserved. Faction fights amoi^the
Moslem inhabitants were entirely unknown. When pnW^
order was disturbed, and it was only very rarely fc
turbed, it was quickly restored. Even at the Holy S^'
chre Church the fights among the Christians were speedilf
quelled. But in both religious and in secular matias^
the Turks had fiill scope' for playing off the several con-
vents and communities against their rival conventeaDd
communities.
As for the Jews, although among themselves u^
was no lack of sectional antipathies, yet it lay not lam
within the scope of Turkish ' fasftd ' (the art of so^c
dissension) ; indeed, it would have taken them too m^^
trouble to comprehend the springs of Jewish ennuUeSi
these lay out of theur reach.
But the sweetest morsel of Osmanli performance ^
what went to weakening that whi^ih they most disliked
-^-^European influence in the East.
RIVALS IN THE NABLOOS DISTRICT. 409
This they tried to do in Jerusalem by setting the Con-
suls against each other (though in this they did not much
succeed), while maintaining all the time the perfection of
outward politeness to them all, and all diplomatic for-
malities and etiquettes in demeanour, and in written cor-
respondence ; but of the latter they thought the less the
better, and avoided committing themselves to it by every
possible means.
In th^ arts of ..disintegration Turkish officials ex-
celled— ' Ha3 . tibi erunt artes ' — not by use of strength
or vigour. But these arts are the resource of feeble-
ness, however skilfully practised; and that they are
often practised with consummate skill no one who has
watched Turkish diplomacy on a large or a small scale
can deny. Their effects are deleterious in withering pubhc
prosperity by destroying mutual confidence, and they
blast all sentiment approaching to patriotism for the sake
of obtaining temporary security to the governing race.
We have hitherto dwelt more upon the condition of
Southern Palestine. But in the central district — ^that of
Jebel Nabloos (Samaria) — it has been seen that affairs
were in much the same condition. There was always
chronic hostility subsisting, and systematically fomented
by the Turks, between the families of Tok&n, backed by
the Jer&r, which formed the antique Conservative body,
and that of Abdul H&di with other allies, Liberals
in the fashion then imderstood at Constantinople — i.e. by
way of opposition to their rivals of the old school. The
Turkish visible Government at this time in the Nabloos
district was barely a mere scarecrow with scarce any
terrors. There was just power enough for the levying of
v^
410 GALILEE AND THE LEBANON.
] the taxes, and as for the rival factions, so injurious to the
well-being of the peasantry, they were but as two so^
now up, now down, as the beam of the balance within
the Seraglio at Jerusalem was sloped either way by
\mean8 of bribery, or as the fisw^tions themselves were
affected by the results of their sanguinary fightings.
The territory of the Sanjak of Jerusalem ended north-
wards at Jeneen, on the verge of the plain of Esdraelon.
North of this the district of ancient Galilee was squeezed
into submissive quietude by Bedaween forays from the
East and the few regular cavalry (Sow&ra), commonly at
the fortress of Acre to the West, though even here there
were petty rivalries kept up among the villages, and
'Akeeli Aga, the * Free lance,' of whom more presently,
held a sort of roving commission.
Further North the Bel4d Besh&ra was tolerably at
rest under Tibneen, but an old grudge stiU rankled and
was kept alive in the heart of the rival chie& at Bint el
Jebail.
Thus Turkish pohcy was carried out all over the land
at little cost, or_ratherL great was the gain to -the. rulers,
for faction bribed against faction, chief against chief
The system was also in operation in the Lebanon. Who
has not heard of the feuds between the Maronites and the
Druses, of the rivalries between this and that Druse dan,
this and that Maronite party? And even among the
Desert tribes the same tactics were always more or l^s
available, more or less successful in maintaining Turkish
rule without rulers, and government at the expense of
the governed.
Towards the end of 1853 the Turkomans — a consider-
MATTERS GETTING WORSE. 411
able body of whom live as npmades in the nortli, and are
often to be seen encamped on the plain of Esdraelon —
were ravaging the district south of Caxmel, between the
village of Um el Eahhm and Tantoora on the sea-coast.
Further north, in Acre, I was informed that great
apprehensions of danger were entertamed by the Ghris-
tians on accoimt of the Pashk of that place, who, in
subservience to the fanaticism of his people, was in the
habit of perambulating the streets and bazaars by night
in company with durweeshes carrying lanterns and flags,
and beating drums as an accompaniment to their shouts
of ^ God preserve the Sult&n, and break the necks of the
infidels ! '
In the early part of 1854 the villages around the
plain of Esdraelon, and those of the plains of Galilee as
far north as Safed, were wasted with fire and sword by
the above-mentioned 'Akeeli Aga el Hh9,si and his brother
Selameh Tahh^wi, said to be in direct revolt against the
Sublime Government.
The news which reached me was bad. It was clear
that insurrections of dangerous character were becoming
worse day by day in the Nabloos district and in the
southern parts of Galilee. From Hebron, too, came
accounts of fresh disturbances, and of the danger which
the poor Jews (British protegis and others) were in.
Something must be done.
I paid a visit to the Tiu-kish authorities for the pur-
pose of talking over these matters and ascertaining what
could be done ; and first I went to the barracks to visit
the mihtary commander. On arriving at the foot of the
flight of steps, which lead up to the terrace on which is
41^ INCIVILITY CHECKED.
the reception room, the sentry on duty refused to allow
my kaww&sses to precede me (with their official staves)
according to invariable custom.
First beginnings of mischief must be checked.
Here was an attempt at curtailment of the usual civiKties
hitherto observed as matter of course.^
My visit was therefore not paid. I turned and went
on to the Mahhkameh (Hall of Judgment), over which
the K&di presides, for the administration of Moham-
medan law according to the Kor&n. The K&di is one
of the very few Turkish native authorities sent from Con-
stantinople. The appointment is made for three years.
The Pashk and the Mihtary Commander are also always
Turks, and not Syrians. It will be remembered that at
present the Kadi was one of a commission of three admi-
nistering the vacant Pashalic.
There was present in the Mahhkameh a large assem-
bly of the Effendis with the Mdi. They all rose to
receive me ; but the Kadi did not. This again was a
gross and intentional breach of customary etiquette, and
which it was necessary to notice. Every Pashk and every
KMi always rose up to receive the visit of a CJonsuL I
walked away, and was going up the street, when a dra-
goman came running after us to apologise, and b^ ^1
return. I returned — the K&di rose with the rest— ana
we had a long discourse with the Effendis about the
progress of the war, and the condition of the country.
Other Effendis who came in assured us that 20,000
* ' A breach of etiquette is, in the East, a matter of much more conje*
quence than it may seem to l^glishmen, and is not a thing to he p>^
over as if it meant nothing and were likely to result in nothing.'— T^*
Times, January 8, 1878.
' WHAT CAN BE DONE?* 418
Egyptian troops were coming to guard the country, and
that provisions had been sent from there to El Arish on
the desert frontier.
On reaching home a messenger came from the Kai-
makSm (Mihtary Commandant) with excuses for the con-
duct of his sentry, and to annoimce his coming in two
and a-half hours to visit me, which he did — and, in the
course of a long conversation, he said that no Egyptian
troops were' coming.
It was evident that nothing would be done — perhaps
nothing could be done for the quieting down of the in-
surgent peasantry, or for the protection of the British
protigia for whom I at least was bound to exert every
means within my power, and it was clearly of great im-
portance to prevent the smouldering fires from bursting
anywhere into flames, which might end in a general con-
flagration.
But what could be done ? Nothing, save what had
been so often done before — exert to the utmost what-
ever moral influence we possessed for the protection
of the defenceless where there were no Turkish autho-
rities to apply to, and use whatever influence we could
bring to bear upon the ringleaders of the insurgents to
cease from fighting. Feeble as these means may seem,
they were all we had at command, and they had already
been used with success in other parts of the country, as
this narrative has shown.
Letters were accordingly prepared, and my kaww&sses
were ordered to equip themselves for immediate travel,
one south, another north, while a third went for a few
414 LETTERS SENT OFF. 'AKEEU AGA.
days to the farm at TJrtas, by Bethlehem, where Me-
shuUam needed help.
One letter was written for the Governor at Hebron,
urging him to protect the Jews there from molestation.
Two others were for the insurgent brothers in Gblilee,
'Akeeli Aga el Hhfisi and his brother Selameh Tahhfiwi.
'AkeeU Aga had first come prommently into notice
among Europeans by his escort of the American Scien-
tific Expedition to the Dead Sea in 1848. He was
originally an Arab of Algiers, or some adjacent country,
who had gathered to himself a band of rievers of African
origin whom the Palestinians declared to be Indians
(Hin&di). They had subsisted by marauding in the vici-
nity of the Jordan, till he rendered himself so formidable
that the Ottoman Government was fain to give him a
roving commission as Aga of irregular cavalry, for acting
between the Jordan and Mount Carmel. This was done
despite his outrageous conduct in 1847.
The authority thus received he of his own free will
extended to Nazareth, Tiberias, and Safed. Who could
say him * Nay,' inasmuch as the roads which traverse the
plain of Esdraelon, between Carmel and Jordan, lead to
these towns also. And the seaports of Acre and Caifa
were also naturally connected with the district.
Commander Lynch, of the United States navy, in his
interesting narrative of the expedition which he con-
ducted to the Jordan and Dead Sea, gives an account of
his first meeting with 'Akeeli Aga, in the div&n of Sa'id
Bey, the Governor of St. Jean d'Acre, to whom Com-
mander Lynch had repaired for aid, according to the terms
of the firm&n authorising him to explore the Jordan.
COMMANDER LYNCH'S ACCOUNT. 415
The following is his account of that meeting : —
' Late in the afternoon I received an invitation from Sa'id
Bey to come to the palace. Ascending a broad flight of steps,
and crossing a large paved court, I was ushered into an oblong
apartment simply furnished with the divan at the further end.
I was invited to take the comer seat, among Turks the place of
honour. Immediately on my right was the Cadi or Judge, a
venerable and self-righteous looking old gentleman, in a rich
blue cashmere cloak trimmed with fur. On Im right sat the
Governor. Around the room were many officers, and there were
a number of attendants passing to and fro bearing pipes and*
coffee to every new comer. But what especially attracted my
attention was a magnificent savage enveloped in a scarlet cloth
pelisse richly embroidered with gold. He was the handsomest,
and I soon thought also the most graceful being I had ever
seen. His complexion was of a rich mellow indescribable olive
tint, and his hair a glossy black ; his teeth were regular and of
the whitest ivory, and the glance of his eye was keen at times,
but generally soft and lustrous. With the tarboosh upon his
head which he seemed to wear uneasily, he reclined, rather
than sat upon the opposite side of the divan, while his hand
played in unconscious familiarity with the hilt of his yataghan.
He looked like one who would be
' Steel amid the din of anna
And wax when with the fair.' (pp. 68, 69.)
The Governor was not by any means anxious to further
the wishes of Commander Lynch, without at least putting
a large sum into his own pocket, and proceeded to raise
diflBculties in order to enhance the price to be paid for
his protection.
< The Grovemor stated that since he had parted with me, he
had received the most alarming intelligence of the hostile
spirit of the Arab tribes bordering on the Jordan, and pointed
to the savage chief as his authority. He named him 'Akil Aga
el Hassle, a great border Shaikh of the Arabs. The Governor
416 ' DETERMINED TO OBEY ORDERS.'
proceeded to say that the ^ most excellent Shaikh ^ had jn&t
come in from the Ghor where the tribes were up in anns at
war among themselves, and pillaging and maltreating all who
fell into their hands. He was therefore of opinion that ive
could not proceed in safety with less than one hundred soldien
to guard us; and said that if I would agree to pay 20,000
piastres (about 800 dollars), he would procure means for the
transportation of the boats and guard us from molestation*
^ He could not look me in the face when he made this pro*
position, and it immediately occurred to me that the Bedawy
Shaikh had been brought in as a bugbear to intimidate me into
terms. This idea strengthened with reflection until I reached
a state of mind exactly the reverse of what Sa'id Bey an-
ticipated ' (pp. 69-70).
Commander Lynch, in short, being a resolute man
and having no idea of the actual condition of the coun-
try, was in a mood to carry out his instructions whether
the Governor aided him or not ; and when at last the
Governor urged him to abandon his enterprise, he re-
plied ' that we were ordered to explore the Dead Sea
and were determined to obey.' . . . *The Shaikh
(Akeeli) here said that the Bedaween of the Ghor (Jordan
valley) woiJd eat us up. My reply was, that they would
find us difficult of digestion. But as he might have
some influence with the tribes, I added that we would
much prefer going peaceably, paying feirly for all ser-
vices rendered and provisions supplied, but to go at all
hazards we were resolutely determined/
< Without the court I overtook the Shaikh, who had preceded
me, and asked him many questions about the tribes on tiie
Jordan. In the course of the conversation I showed him my
sword and revolver, the former with pistol barrels attached
near the hilt. He examined them closely, and remarked that
REWARD OF FIRMNESS. 417
they were the " Devil's invention." I then told him that we
were fifteen in number, and besides several of those swords and
revolvers, had one large gun (a blunderbuss), a rifle, fourteen
carbines with bayonets, and twelve bowie-knife pistols, and
asked him if he did not think we could descend the Jordan.
His reply was, ' You will, if anyone can." After parting from
him I learned that he was last year at the head of several
tribes in rebellion against the Turkish Grovemment, and that,
unable to subdue him, he had been bought in by a conmiission
corresponding to that of Colonel of the irregular Arabs (very
irregular I) and a pelisse of honomr It was the one he wore '
(pp. 70-71).
Commander Lynch was rewarded for his simple
straightforward conduct by meeting a man well able to
give him the moral support he needed. This was an
ex-Sher!f or Governor of Mecca, who had been deposed
by Mehemet Ali, but who was held in great respect by
all Moslems of Palestine. It occurred to Lynch to ask
him to accompany the expedition. The idea was a very
happy one. The Sherlf accepted the invitation, and the
success of the expedition was assured.
^ The Sherif also brought a message from 'Akil, the hand-
some savage, to the purport that Sa'id Bey was a humbug, and
had been endeavouring to frighten me. Sherif thought it not
unlikely that the Shaikh might also be induced to accompany
us if the negotiations were conducted with secrecy ' (p. 74).
A visit to 'Akeeli was accordingly made, and the ser-
vices of himself and his tribe were engaged upon very
moderate terms. Commander Lynch found that he had
thus secured exactly the kind of help needed, and the
following extracts show how well 'Akeeli performed his
engagements.
VOL. I. E B
418 ^AKKKTJ DESCRIBED.
^ The Sherif and 'Akil frequently visited us in our teni
The former was our counsellor, sagacious and prudent; tk
latter was the bold warrior and the admirable scout. On the
march, it was said that he contrived to get a sight of the boats
when no one else could. We never tired of the company ci
this graceful savage. Altogether, he was the most perfect
specimen of manhood we had seen. Looking at his fine &ce,
almost effeminate in its regularity of feature, who would imagine
that he had been the stem leader of revolt, and that his laugh-
ing, careless eye had even glanced from his stronghold on the
hiU upon the Pasha's troops in the plain, meditating slaiighter
in their ranks, and booty from the routed Turk ; or searched
the ravines and the hillsides, the wady and the valley, for the
lurking fellahin and their herds? That arm, which, in its
easy and graceful position, seemed almost nerveless, had wielded
the scimitar with fatal strength ; and he seemingly so mild,
had successfully led a small but desperate band against the
authority of the Sultan, and forced the Q-ovemor of Acxe to
treat with him, and purchase the security of the district with a
high office and the crimson pelisse of honour' (pp. 116-117).
< Last year (1847), while in rebellion against the govern-
ment, 'Akil, at the head of his Bedawin followers, had swept
these plains, and carried off a great many horses, cajbtle, and
sheep ; among them the droves and herds of the Nassir. There
had, in consequence, been little cordiality between them sinee
they met at Tiberias ; but, to-night, Nassir asked 'Akil if he
did not think that he had acted very badly in carrying off hiB
property. The latter answered, no ; that Nassir was then hiB
enemy, and that he, 'Akil, had acted according to the usages of
war among the tribes.
'The Nassir then asked about the disposition made of
various animals, and especially of a fgivourite mare. 'Akil said
that he had killed so many of the sheep, given so many away,
and sold the rest ; the same with the cattle and horses. As to
the mare, he said he had taken a fancy to her, and that it was
the one he now rode. This the Emir knew full well.
^ After some further conversation Nassir proposed that they
BEDAWY HONOUR. 419
should bury all wrongs and become brothers. To this 'Akil
assented. The former thereupon plucked some grass and earth,
and lifting up the comer of 'Akil's aba, placing them beneath
it, and then the two Arabs embracing, with clasped hands
swore eternal brotherhood.
*When questioned immediately after upon the subject,
'Akil stated that so obligatory was the oath of fraternity that,
should he hereafter carry off anything from a hostile tribe,
which had once, no matter how far back been taken from the
Emir, he would be bound to restore it.
^As an instance he mentioned that when he was in the
service of Ibrahim Pash&, there were nine other tribes besides
his own ; and that in one of their expeditions they carried off a
number of sheep, forty of which were assigned as his portion ;
that shortly after an Arab came forward and claimed some of
them on the ground of fraternisation. 'Akil told him that he
did not know, and had never seen him before ; but the man
asserted and proved that their fathers had exchanged vows, and
the sheep claimed were consequently restored.
^ These Bedawin are pretty much in the same state as the
barons of England and the robber knights of Crermany were
some centuries back' (pp. 147-148).
An amusing incident shows 'Akeeli in a clear light as
an adept at cattle-lifting : —
^In ten minutes after leaving the camping-ground this
morning, the caravan struck upon the plain and crossed the
wady Fari& pursuing a S. by W. course. Across the ravine
they saw a young camel browsing among the brown fiirze and
stunted bushes, t^hich, in these plains, serve to protect the
scanty vegetation from the intense heat of the sun. This crea-
ture had evidently strayed from some fellahin encampment, or
had been abandoned by its owners when pursued by the Beda-
win, many of whom had been seen the day previous on the
eastern side of the Jordan. The camel being quite wild racked
off at frill speed on their approach, and the scouts immediately
started in pursuit. Its whole body swayed regularly with its
E E 2
420 BEDAWY MANNEBS.
pecaliar racking motion, as before remarked, exactly like the
yawing of a ship before the wind. Whether it walks or runs,
the camel ever throws forward its hind and fore leg on the same
side, and at the same time, as a horse does in pacing^. The
fugitive was soon caught, and true to its early teaching, knelt
down the moment a hand was placed upon its neck. 'Akil
abandoning his mare, mounted the prise, and without bridle or
halter, dashed off at full speed over the plain to increase the
number of our beasts of burden' (pp. 164 165).
These extracts give a vivid picture of the man, as he
then was. When the party reached the Dead Sea, as they
did in safety, Lynch continues (p. 178) : —
' 'Akil, to whom we were all much attached, came to see us
prior to his departure. To our surprise and great delight, we
learned in the course of conversation that he was well acquaints
and on friendly terms with some of the tribes on the eastern
shore. I therefore prevailed upon him to proceed there by
land, apprise the tribes of our coming, and make arrangements
to supply us with provisions.'
At last the time for parting came, and Commander
Lynch writes :_
« To-night our Bedawin had a farewell feast, characteristic
alike of their habitual waste and want of cleanliness. A huge
kettle partly filled with water was laid on a fire made of wood
gathered on the beach, and strongly impregnated with salt;
when the water boiled, a quantity of flour was thrown in and
stirred with a branch of drift-wood seven feet long and nine
inches in circumference. When the mixture was about the
consistence of paste, the vessel was taken from the fire, and a
skin of rancid butter, about six pounds, in a fluid state was
poured in; the mixture was again stirred, and the Bedawin
seated round it, scooped out the dirty greasy compound with the
hollow of their hands, 'Akil not the least voracious among
them. He is a genuine barbarian, and never sleeps even
'AKEELI AGA AND THE KURDS. 421
beneath the &ail covering of a tent. In his green 'aba, which he
has constantly worn since he joined us, he is ever to be found at
night slumbering, not sleeping, near the watch fire, his yata-
ghan by his side, his heavy-mounted, wide-mouthed pistols be-
neath his head' (p. 179).
'Akeeli returned to Gblilee by the eastern side of the
Dead Sea and the Jordan, and thus to the Sea of Galilee.
Commander Lynch met him again, after the work in
South Palestine was over, in St. Jean d'Acre, when Sherlf
invited the party to breakfast with him and 'Akeeli Aga.
From this time forward 'AkeeU remained in Turkish pay.
At the time of the present history, 1853-4, the Go-
vernment appear to have attempted to dispense with his
services. At any rate a body of Kurds, jfrom the neigh-
bourhood of Aleppo, claimed to be now invested with the
same command over this district hitherto held by 'Akeeli
and his brother. The rival corps had met and fought it
out with much slaughter. Some were of opinion that
this was what the Turks meant them to do, in order to
weaken both. The Kurds were routed, and left corpses
strewing the ground from Tabor to Hermon. 'Akeeli
followed up his victory by plundering, in every direction,
the places where he asserted his enemies had found sup-
plies of food and forage.
There being, as before said, no Turkish authority
within reach, and as I would not trust solely to the per-
sonal influence of my local agents with 'Akeeli in so
serious an emergency as the present, I dispatched a letter
from myself to each of these brothers ('AkeeU Aga and
Selameh Tahh&wi), reminding them of their duty to their
own governmeut, and admonishing them to avoid oppres-
' p
422 MISSION OP OONSULAB KAWWlS.
sion of Christians in general, as well as of our own Angk-
Jewish protigis.
My select kaww&s, Mohammed es Serw&n, carried
these letters. The service was not without danger, for
on the way he found all the intervening coimtry of
Nabloos (i. e, the Samaria district) in arms, with slaughter
and devastation prevailing from the distance of a few
leagues of Jerusalem to the plain of Esdraelon ; (this im
unconnected with 'Akeeli's doings beyond, in Galilee;)
insomuch that he was obliged to travel over the summits
of hilly ranges instead of along the regular roads.^ Then
the great plain, Esdraelon, was occupied by Eastern Be-
daween, encamped and ravaging aroimd Mount Tabor.
(It must be remembered that all these feuds and fight-
ings were among the Moslem inhabitants alone, and had
nothing to do with religion.)
Having thus reached Nazareth by a circuitous route,
my kaww&s took with him, according to my directions,
the native head man of the Protestants there. He found
the triumphant brothers near BQiatteen, and was civilly
received with the letters which he delivered.
The winter season was fiilly upon us before my kaw-
wfi5 had left Jerusalem on his mission (January 29).
Torrents of rain feU, with =U>nns of wind, thund^li#-
ning, hail, and snow ; withm the following fortnight the
roads commonly traversed were mostly impassable.
The accounts of the disorders in the district through
which he had to pass became so alarming that we were
becoming uneasy about his safety ; there being no post
^ Compare JudgeSi v. 6, about a similar state of things in that terf
district.
SAFE RETUBN WITH LETTERS. 423
through the mterior of the country, we were unable to
hear any news about him, and were considering the pro-
priety of sendmg in search of him. It was a reUef when
he at last presented himself, worn and travel^stained.
This was by no means the only service of special
adventure that this kaww&s, Mohammed es Serw&n, had
performed with remarkable intelligence and courage. His
reward on this occasion, over and above the commenda-
tion which he thoroughly appreciated, and honourable
mention to the Foreign Office, was a complete new suit
of clothes (of the colours generally worn by the kaw-
wSsses of the British Consulate — scarlet cloth jacket
embroidered in gold, with dark blue foil trowsers).
'Akeeli Aga and his 43rother sent me rephes to my
letters. They declared their unqualified obedience to
the Sublime Government, but complained of injustice
done them by subordinates. This is a usual excuse for
Syrian insurgents to make, and of^en it is made in all
sincerity and with good reason. Loyalty to the Ottoman
Government is compatible with indignation at injustice
done by local authorities, and even with actual resist-
ance to these authorities.
The letters to me were artfolly concocted. It was,
however, in no wise within my province to enter into the
merits of the quarrel between these insurgents and their
opponents, or into that between them and 'Abdu'l Hadi,
the Governor of Nabloos, and least of all to meddle with
any proceedings of the Pashk of Egypt, of whose conduct
complaint was made in Selameh's letter to me.
It was, however, certain that 'Abdu'l Hadi could have
no power to send 'Akeeli Aga, as he was alleged to have
424 'AKEELI AND THE FRENCH.
threatened he would, into exile at Widin (the European
fortress). This accusation being untrue afforded ground
for suspicion that others made by 'Akeeli Aga might
likewise be exaggerated. It would be tedious to recount
the ins and outs of aSairs between 'Akeeli Aga, and the
Turkish authorities. Enough that in May we heard that
he had been confirmed in the Turkish service as com-
mander of 200 Bashi Bozuks, chiefly his own tribe rf
Hin&di adherents.
This favour, he had the impudence to give out, was
owing to my having exercised good offices in his behalf.
I had no desire whatever to do so. But the truth was
that the French authorities at Bayroot had taken him
into special consideration, probably from the motive tb&t
he was the only man able to rule the district in which
lay the convents at Carmel and at Nazareth, with nu-
merous Latin Christians to be protected; it was there-
fore judged better to have him for a friend than for a
troublesome enemy ; better to have him under obligation
for protection of the convents at Nazareth and Oarmel,
and for keeping the road open across the plain of Es-
draelon, than to have that territory abandoned to the utter
helplessness of Turkish rule and the conflict of factions.
These ends were attained nominally and ostensibly
through the Turkish Government, under whom 'Akeeli
Aga held his command. Finding him so well backed
up, I had no objection to this turn of afiairs, seeing that
by it we obtained the same advantages of comparati^^
security for our numerous Jewish protegis of Safed and
Tiberias, as well as for the Protestants of Nazareth con-
nected with the Church Missionary Society.
'AKEELI AND HIS ALLIES. 425
'Akeeli Aga was summoned to Bayroot in June, by
His Excellency the Musheer (Governor-General). The
French authorities then appointed their native agent, M.
Luis Oatafago, to accompany him; but he refused to
trust himself on the road merely in company of a native
Syrian; whereupon M. de Lesseps, the Consul-General,
procured for him a ' safe-conduct ' (the Aman wa Eai)
accompanied by his own written guarantee. Before
however trusting himself even to that assurance, 'Akeeli
went for a few days into the desert,eastwards, and brought
back a thousand chosen horsemen into his place — ^allies,
to hold it for him. The Turkish authority was satisfied
with the fact of his having put in an appearance when sum-
moned— thus acknowledging their supremacy. Shortly
after this, M. de Lesseps paid 'Akeeh a visit at Caifa,
and the latter met him with a showy retinue of Bedawy
Arabs.
It was on the ground of 'Akeeli Aga's Algerine origin
(mentioned above) that the French thus treated him as a
quasi subject of theirs ; and this they did willingly — ^they
were jfrequ^ntly making him presents — and so long as
they did so he flattered them and overawed the country,
calling himself a Frenchman in Turkish service. On his
return fix)m Bayroot, he professed that Wamek Pasha,
the Governor-General, had no objection to his being so
styled ; and I have myself heard him say the same at a
later date when I visited him in a journey upon the
banks of the Jordan, and when, to prove more evidently
that he was a Frenchman, he broke the fest of Eamadan
by eating and drinking, while he laughed at ' those fools
of Mohammedans ' around him.
426 PROTECTION FOR JEWS IN GALILEE.
It should be borne in mind, in connection with this
French recognition of 'Akeeli Aga, that at the same time
the renowned Abdul K&der, the great Algerine leader,
conquered and exiled by France, was residing at Da-
mascus, a pensioner of France, and had a considerable
number of Algerine and other African followers settled
on the lands between Damascus and Safed in Galilee,
thus keeping up a communication with 'Akeeli.
By such means, in the event of a not-to-be-uttered
possibility of French activity in Syria, the French were
able to count upon co-operation through the extent of
the Damascus territory and the plain of Esdraelon with
doubtless the Maronite (Boman Catholic) interest in the
Lebanon. These were considerations of no trifling value.
However, the Pashalic of Jerusalem was not disturbed by
these affairs in Galilee ; it was, and probably still is, sur-
prising how httle one Pashalic knows of the transactions
in its neighbouring PashaUcs.
However, to return to my narrative of events in 1854.
The effect of my message to 'Akeeli Aga was beneficial
for the time. He had at all times behaved pretty wdl
to persons under European protection, with the object of
keeping in favour with the Consuls. The district within
which his rule extended lay beyond the supervision of
any other Jerusalem Consulate than the English, but it
was in the very heart of my northern territory, and any
uproar in it always endangered the unfortunate Jews of
Tiberias and Safed, as well as the Christians of Nazareth
and Galilee. It was an advantage to have a man like
'Akeeh, able to check any aggre^ions on the defenceless
people, for whose safety in these times of anxiety I was
'AKEELI AND THE PRINOE OF WALES. 427
concerned, and for whom immunity from injury was
obtained by means of my appeal to him. Meanwhile we
lived in hopes of the Turkish Government in the country
being duly strengthened before long.
'Akeeli retained his rule for many years afterwards.
Tristram found 'Akeeli Aga (whom he calls Agyle
Agha) m Galilee, when he visited the Holy Land in 1863-4.
He describes him as being then a large stoutly-built man,
over six feet high, with rather flat features, nose not pro-
minent, short smooth black beard, and a remarkably
placid and gentle expression of countenance.
On being informed of the burth of the Prince of
Wales' son, 'Yes,' he replied, 'Priest Zeller wrote me
word that God had been good and given good gifts unto
his children, at which thy servant rejoiced.' He spoke of
the Prince having dined with him, and of the pleasure
he had had in conducting him through the country.
His services would always be at the command of Eng-
lishmen and of all Christians ; for he had not forgotten
the kmdness of Christians to him in his youth, and espe-
cially how they had aided his escape when unjustly im-
prisoned in Turkey, and how a Greek bishop had given
him money to carry him safely back to Syria.^
Later on (p. 452), Tristram describes his visit to ' the
Chieftain's camp. It presented a lively scene as evening
approached, shepherds and goatherds driving in their
flocks from pasture, camels lazily chewing the cud or wind-
ing in long single file from Mount Tabor, while Arab mares
with their foals stood picketed about. We were received
» ' Lftnd of Israel; p. 420.
428 TRISTRAirS VISIT TO 'AKEELI.
in the usual open tent, the Agha standing outside till we
were seated on carpets and cushions, and a large retinue
of high and low degrees surrounding us. We were in-
vited to dinner, but no business conversation ensued
though business was being carefully transacted, as the
Agha vouchsafed one-half of his face with a pleasant
smile to us, and the other half with a keen glance to his
secretary on the other side, who was receiving rents and
counting dollars on a handkerchief at his elbow. Our
tents were being mounted on a slope across the brook,
and as soon as they were ready we withdrew till aibout
eight o'clock, when a negro with a lantern came to
summon us to dinner. This was a single course, con-
sisting of the sheep which had been killed on our arrival,
boiled in fragments, over rice saturated with butter ; the
mess was served in an enormous wooden bowl, which H
took four men to carry, while the host, according to
etiquette, sat apart and did not partake. It would have
delighted a Kembrandt to paint the scene, as we sat in a
circle under the open black tent in a moonless but dear
night, tearing the meat and scooping up the rice with
our fingers, while a tall Bedaween stood over us with a
httle oil lamp, whose light just revealed the crowd of
various faces peering at us through the darkness. Bound
another huge bowl, farther on, feasted the guests of lower
degree. When we had eaten, or rather gorged, and water
had been poured over our greasy hands, coffee was served,
and the business of the evening commenced. Mr. Zeller's
catechist made a long speech, intended rather for the
bystanders than for Agyle, complimenting him on our
parts, expressing our desire he might never forget us,
'AKEELI AND THE TURKISH aOVERNOR. 429
and to that end presenting him with a gold watch and
chain \ye had brought for him. This he received with a
bow, and handed it to his secretary without even casting
a glance at it. Then, Mr. Zeller added a supplement,
pointing out the importance of a safe and secure road
being provided for travellers from the Hauran through
Bashan, and how, if he succeeded in ensuring this, he
would have the goodwiQ of the Western Powers and
their good offices at the Porte.'
Before leaving the coimtry, Mr. Tristram and his party
were anxious to visit the Jordan Valley, and being by
that time at Nazareth, they called on the Governor, a
Turk from Constantinople, to obtain a guard. * We were
received in a room opening into a dilapidated yard where
the mouldering walls of mud, broken floor, and rough
mustaba (bench) on one side, seemed an emblem of the
crumbling power of the Turk in the land. The place
would have discredited the cart-shed of an impoverished
English farm-house. In one comer three ragged carpet-
rugs were spread, the sole fiuniture. But the Governor's
salary, when paid at all, is but bl. per month, and like
all Turkish officials, he has to live by squeezing the
people. He was dressed in frock coat and trousers, and
received us very courteously. His language was very
diplomatic. We asked if we could descend the Jordan
Valley with safety. " How could he tell ? His district
only extended to Beisan, and so far it was safe enough.
He had no authority to send guards beyond." But did
he think Agyle Agha could ensure our safety ? " How
could he tell ? Agyle Agha was an independent autho-
rity and did not report to him. He knew nothing of his
430 'AKEELrS LETTEB TO THE CONSUL.
power." But at this moment two horsemen of Ae
Agha's entered, and he changed his tone. " Whenever
Agyle sends a man there, you are safe. He knows the
country better than anyone else." '
Mr. Tristram and his party chose to trust to 'Akeefi,
who was encamped at the foot of Tabor, and whose * pa-
triarchal hospitality' travellers enjoyed. He treated them
with kindness and consideration, according to his custom.
These notices serve to show that 'Akeeli Aga was
during many years one of the principal charact^^ in
Northern Palestine, and that, while he resolutely main-
tained his own position in the country, he sought to keep
up friendly relations with Europeans.
From ^AkeeU Aga to the EngUah Consul^ 1 854.
In the happiest of times I was honoured with your letter,
and all your good advice and kindnesses have been thankfully
received.
With respect to your statement of my ruining the coimtiy
of Safed, this Your Excellency must have learned from those
who love corruption and sow dissension ; because the country of
Safed is our mother, and she is dear to us. Our £Ekthers before
us of ancient times were servants in Safed and elsewhere to the
High government, as well as being officers of the irregular
cavalry, and it has always been the custom of that govemmeot
when wishing to displace any of its servants to pay him salary
for his service. But now as for this, your servant, by means of
a bribe of 70,000 piastres from 'Abdul Hadi to Ahhmad Pasha,
I have suffered much and been ill-treated ; all my property
was seized by the former, after which all my arms were sold to
the &mily of 'Abdu'l Hadi, who refused to pay me my salary
for three months due, and food for horses during that time ; he
completed my misfortunes by expelliog me to Widin, and I am
selAmeh^ letter. 431
sure that the govemment at the Porte knows nothing of this
persecution.
But notwithstanding all this, I accept yoar advice, and
beg you to assist in bringing me back what was forcibly
taken from me, in horses, sheep, arms, and grain. And I am
sure that the Sublime govemment knows nothing of what has
happened to me; nevertheless I look upon myself as still a
servant of the Sublime govemment, whether I be in the official
service or not, and you may inquire of this from your Agent [at
Acre], Mr. Finzi.
On examination you will find how I have been maltreated,
and my brother also.
I may add that I thank the most High G-od that you have
thought of me and written to me ; for it has been the means
afforded me of acquainting you with my troubles. I therefore
feel myself very happy, and in this my letter I beg you to
assist me in obtaining justice, and you may be sure that
nothing shall happen from me against the wiU of the govem-
ment.
May God save you !
(Signed) 'Akbbli bl Hhasi.
SdSmeh (broth&r of the above) to the Englieh ConstU.
(After compliments). Acknowledging receipt of your letter
the contents of which I have perfectly understood, and have
thanked God for your fevour, it is necessary to acquaint you
with what is going on, and to request your assistance in ob-
taining for us justice.
As for my brother 'Akeeli Aga, I will bring to your notice
what has occurred to him, and entreat your zeal to have justice
done him, in order that corruption and sowing of dissension
may be arrested.
As for myself I have been much persecuted in the Egyptian
territory, and I came to this country for the sole purpose of
obtaining redress by means of the Sublime Ottoman govem-
ment, so as to cause 'Abbas Pash& to set free my sons, and also
432 THE AMEER SA'AD EP DEEN.
to restore my property which had been taken from me by Hk
Highness, without the least right whatsoever.
I represented to all the Pashd.s of the different districts of
this oountry the state of my case, but never met with success.
On the contrary they always tried with artifices to seize and
deliver me over to 'Abbas Pasha, without hearing* our com-
plaint.
On receiving your letter I was highly pleased, having alwajs
learned that the English government loves truth, and renders
justice to whom justice is due, because she herself is just*
I entreat your government through your mediation to 9et
free my sons from 'Abbas Pasha, and to restore to us our pro-
perty, for so we should obtain justice.
But as for myself, and what you hear fix>m enemies of what
we are doing in Safed, it is all falsehood and corruption. Make
enquiries respecting me from your agents, and you will find
that when the Eastern Arabs came to this district and plundered
flocks of sheep, &c., I rode off with my horsemen, and fought
the Arabs and brought back to the owners all the spoil that
they had taken — giving to the people full protection, in order
to be in favour with the Sublime government, and I promise to
remain so.
Begging you not to accept any future complaints about me
that may come from my enemies,
May God save your English government 1
(Signed) SsLiiiEH Tahawi.
While describing the state of the North, it may be
recorded that at Hhasbeya, in Anti-Lebanon, the Ameer
Sa'ad ed Deen-esh-ShehS.bi, who governed there, had
suffered himself to speak in very disrespectfiil terms of
Queen Victoria in presence of some French military
officers ; these reported it to their Consul in Damascus,
v^ho took no steps. He was, however, called to account
for the offence, which under the circumstances of the
HE IS TAKEN TO CONSTANTINOPLK 433
time was not only against our queen, but his conduct
was treasonable to his own Sultan. The Ameer was
made to answer for it in Constantinople, whither he was
sent a prisoner under escort of our high-spirited British
Consul, Wood, of Damascus.
After his return home, Sa'ad ed Deen, in his own
house, expressed to me his regret for the offence, and
described the treatment he had received. He was
put hastily on board a vessel at Bayroot, and his en-
treaties refused, which he pleaded with tears, to be
accompanied by one or more of his sons who had
accompanied him so far. Then he arrived at Constan-
tinople, amid all its wondrous sights, and was sent by
Turkish officials through dirty and winding streets to the
palace of the Enghsh Embassy. There he was taken
through successive apartments by servants in showy
dresses into a vast saloon and detained there, standing
at one end of it, while at a distance he could see an
old man and his secretary busied with papers over a
table.
* An Ameer of the Sheh&bs of the Lebanon, I, an
old man, was kept standing in silence for a long time ;
but at length that old man, the Ambassador, rose and
came to me without compUments or invitation to be
seated, asked me my name, then asked again, then
pointed to my white beard, and said he thought that
such a beard would only have belonged to a man^ to a
wise man, not a child.'
This Ambassador then ordered the attendants to con-
duct him to Pashk's house, to be dealt with by the
Turkish authorities ; but to be shown, before returning
VOL. T. P P
434 AND RECEIVES A LESSON.
to Syria, the campe of the French and English armi^ as
well as the military preparations of the Porte Prom the
Turkish oflScials he received reproaches and n^lect, and
when he was without money, they refused to supply him,
so that he had to get home as well as he could, bjr
borrowing from common money-lenders. Such was his
own narrative, and in giving it the Ameer spoke onlT in
the tone of a person who felt that he had deserved ii
mild punishment.
The well-timed discipline exercised on this occaaon
produced most excellent effect. The Ameer was a
staunch protector of English people, and what was mow
valuable still, of native Christians to the day of his death,
which has been referred to on a previous paga He
faithfully protected the Christians, and he and his sons,
all Moslems, were singled out and murdered during the
Lebanon massacres in 1860.
Who instigated those massacres? Who encouraged
and revived the fast waning fanaticism of the Moslems?
These are questions that ought to be answered.
435
CHAPTEE XVI.
CORN AT FAMINE PEICB.
Distress in Jerusalem — Com kept out of the Market — ^Poor Jews suffering
— Oom sent for by us — ^Distribution of loaves — Oom brought in by a
native — Snow and rain — Charitable conduct of a Moslem — Another Mos-
lem lowers the price — Good harvest.
In our more immediate neighbourhood at Jerusalem,
fighting was still going on, in February, when the
peasantry ought to have been busy with their ploughing
and with their seed ; and we heard of battles in which
wild Arabs were engaged on the side of Abu Gosh and
Ibn Simhh&n, so near to Jerusalem, on the north side, as
Beereh. At the same time some of our travellers had
se^n a body of sixty Bedaween on the banks of tlie
Jordan. Nevertheless our English travellers came and
went, and were unmolested by any.
If there were disturbances in the country around us,
there was incalculable misery of a more distressing kind
within the Holy City. Trade of every kind was de-
pressed, owing to the war and to the consequent small
number of Christian pilgrims who came to the holy
places.
There had been a severe outbreak of small-pox
wards the close of the previous year, 1853, and this
carried off a considerable number of Moslems, who by
reason of their fatalist doctrines objected to vaccina-
P F 2
/
/
/
436 DISTRESS AMONG THE JEWS.
tion as a means of prevention. We were informed diit
in three weeks eight hundred Moslem children had died
of this disease. The Christians suffered much leas. Ii
was said that no Jews died of this complaint at this time.
The Jewish physician vaccinated 200, and the physidan
of the Greek convent, 300 children.
The winter also was more severe than usual— the
rains had been very heavy and continuous and the
winds stormy. From all of these causes there was an
unusual amount of poverty and distress among the poorer
Christians and Moslems, and very severe distress among
the Jews, who always suffer more than others in times
of trouble, and who were on this occasion deprived by
reason of the war of a considerable portion of the chari-
table funds contributed by the Jews of other countries for
then* support.
The Eussian Jews were unable to send money as
usual from Eussia to their relations and to the Synagogue
authorities, and hence arose a most serious deficit in the
funds available for support of the poor. This vrill be more
fully described in treating of the condition of the Jews.
But this was not all, nor was it even the woist.
Scarcity of food prevailed, and threatened to become
positive famine.
Notwithstanding all the evil reports brought upon the
Holy Land by unbelievers of the Bible in a former genera-
tion, and notwithstanding the opinions formed in haste
and ignorance by travellers thither in our own time, pass-
ing along a few highways under the conduct of dragomans
who are generally foreigners to the country, the grdn
produce of Palestine is still enormous, and the waste of H
CORN LANDS IN PALESTINE. 437
yearly by the plunder of wild Arabs, by wilful fires be-
tween hostile factions, and by the mere rotting on the
ground for the want of good roads towards markets in
which it might be disposed of, is deplorable to those who
really know the facts.
The chief com country in respect of quantity grown
and yielded is that of the ancient Philistines, that is, the
long plain along the coast between Carmel and Egypt.
Other localities northwards are even better reputed
as to the quaUty of the com, such as TubSs (Thebes), and
Hanoon near Nabloos and Alma in Upper Galilee.
Yet the distribution of bread about Palestine is often
unequal, owing to deficient means of communication, as
said above.
It may therefore be easily understood that distress
was brought on the population generally, and on some
classes particularly, when, owing to the necessities of the
war, the regular government levy on the produce for
public service (one tenth is the Government due, and was
levied in kind, or in money) was largely augmented ; and
when export of grain was prohibited, or its removal in
any other direction than towards the capital, where the
govemment became the principal, if not the only, pur-
chaser at its own price, that price being paid in paper
kaimehs for small sums as well as large.
It has been the custom from immemorial ages for the
villagers to hoard up stores of grain in pits with cemented
sides prepared in the ground; these provisions are not
always suflScient for the year's consumption, though they
sometimes far exceed it, but the food thus in store is
available only for the owners who are the leading and
438 PRICES WICKEDLY RAISED.
^Wealthy families of each] place ; the poorer very oft«
iiave no such store — and whole villages are not unfre-
quently reduced to buy of each other, and Ihafc ai
enhanced prices as the season advances, or if seasonabk
rains have been delayed.
In January of this year, 1854, starvation seemed
impending over Jerusalem, not on account of a deficient
harvest in the previous year, far from it. The Providence
of God had liberally opened its hand, yet all things hd
not been filled with plenteousness. This arose from the
rapacity of forestaUers of corn purchases — ^rich men who,
knowing that the government must buy grain sooner or
later for the army at any price, laid in great supphes, and
then kept their stores concealed, thereby gradually
raising the market value, till it rose to famine price.
Such conduct was the more flagitious, seeing that in
accordance with the primitive customs these men of po-
perty had their own domestic reserves available for thar
family ; and thus it was the very poor just in proportion
to their poverty who were the inevitable sufferers.
The Committee of Government were powerless. (B
will be remembered that during our Interregnum the
Pashalic was held by a Commission of three oflicialv
Nay it was well known that the worst criminals were to
be found even among the members of the City Mejlis or
Town Council of the Moslem Arab Effendis.
Curses loud and deep ' filled the air.' The victims
were of all reUgions — Christian, Moslem, and Jews.
It may be necessary to explain that none in Jerusalem
but the poor are dependent upon the daily market sup-
plies of corn, oil, fuel, or other provitjioiis capable of^^'^^'r!
I
1
CONVENT STOBES. POISONOUS TARES. 439
stored. The rich natives, and even the peasantry for the
most part, have their stores of all these things laid up at
the time of harvest, from the produce of their lands.
Others who have means buy their stores for the year at
harvest time when produce is cheap. The convents also
lay up provision in the same way.
Excepting at harvest time when the peasantry are
selling their produce, provisions can only be obtained in
the market from retail dealers, who take advantage of
circumstances to increase the profits upon sale of the
stores which they have bought at the cheap season, and
laid up for sale when things become dear in the winter.
Hence the pressure of the famine prices in Jerusalem
fell with full weight on the poor, and above all on the
Jews.
The great convents, Latin, Greek, and Armenian,
have always had large stores of grain, fuel, and water. In
times past these stores were indispensable for the sub-
sistence of the inmates, who in troublous periods were
often shut in to their strongholds for weeks together.
These convents supplied to some extent the distress of
their own poor.
But there were nevertheless many Christians in very
great distress at this time; and also some Moslems,
owing to the diflBiculty of buyiag com for bread.
The poor sufferers had recourse to making bread
largely mixed with mUl-stone grit — even with earth to
increase the bulk — and with the deleterious Zuwan (the
^i^av*a or ' tares ' of the New Testament parable), which
is always carefully sifted out from the com, because its
effect is injurious to the stomach, besides making the head
440 WHEAT FETCHED FROM HEBRON.
giddy, and possessing no nutritive power. Some peracns
nearly died from eating of this bread mingled with tsres.
It caused vertigo and temporary insanity.
People were weeping and wailing about the streets.
On February 10th, a piece of bread thus made, and sM
exorbitantly dear in the common market, was brou^
to me and was exhibited at the weekly evening meeting
of our Literary Society. It was of a bluish slate colour,
coarse, and looked imfit for human food.
That same morning I had authorised Abn Ibrahim, ft
Christian native of Nazareth, a man accustomed to tisrel
all over Syria, and among the Arabs, and well versed in
agricultural matters, to purchase wheat at a cheaper price
from the villages near Hebron, even if necessary from
'Abderrahhm&n 'Amer himseif (he was known to have
immense stores).
This wheat was intended to be sold at cost price in
the bazaars, in order if possible to bring down the exor-
bitant prices of the forestallers, or to compel them to
bring out some of their hoards. Our Nazareth agent was
to begin by bringing in 500 measures (250 bushels). Of
course no one, whether government officials or others^
would dare to molest him, or to seize his grain under the
circumstances. After nine days he returned having only
succeeded in getting 100 measures (five camel-load5),'
this, however, was something for a commencement.
But before this supply could arrive in Jerusalem, the .
condition of the Jewish poor became alarming. Not
only was there want of bread and want of com, ex-
cepting such small supplies as could be got of the unsifted
mixture, often half mouldy — containing the deleterious
SNOW AND STARVATION. 441
zuwdn or tares — but there was bitter and unusual cold,
^while snow lay deep on the mountains and filled the
streets of the city.
Fuel could not be got because the state of the roads
prevented the peasantry from bringing into the market
any supplies of wood or charcoal. The shppery moun-
tain tracks were too dangerous for laden camels to
traverse with their smooth and sliding feet, and the
depth of snow prevented many a barefooted peasant
woman from bringing her usual basket of faggots.
Thus the poor suffered from the extremity of cold as
well as hunger, having most of them no covering but
the thin rags with which they had been clad in the
summer. The British Consulate was beset by starving
crowds; we gave away aU we could, and then the
miserable people had to be driven away by force.
I had already drawn up and sent to England an
appeal for funds to enable us to relieve the destitute
Jews by giving them employment. But in those days
communication was slow, and before any reply could
arrive we found ourselves overtaken by what threatened
to become a famine. Some people had been already
found starved to death. Instant measiu'es were necessary,
however small the means at our command.
When Abu Ibrahim, of Nazareth, returned from
Hebron with the five camel-loads of wheat, we obtained
the help of a few friends on the spot, who subscribed
money enough to allow of our purchasing this wheat at
once, and appropriating it to the immediate need of the
poor Jews. Loaves were baked and distributed twice a
week. The making and baking gave employment to some
I
442 HEARTRENDING SCENES.
who were in great distress ; but the famishing boys brcAe
in and, snatching up the unbaked dough, devoured it
The bread had to be guarded on its way to and from tk
oven by kawwflsses of the Consulate.
The Missionaries (and I have no doubt the Bishop)
were bestowing charitable relief, but this was all veij
inadequate to meet the mass of misery with whidi we
had to cope.
Ash Wednesday (March Ist) was one of the days for
distribution of the loaves. The Jews thronged the Churcli
premises and the door steps in spite of a pitiless snow
storm, which was fidling on them — ^miserably clad as they
were. Nine inches of snow lay on the ground. Divine
service was, at the moment, going on. (The Consulate
was at that time adjoining the Church.) Some of them
took refuge in the Church itself out of the snow, to the
amazement of the clergy officiating. When the distn-
bution began, the spectacle was heartrending — ^the blind,
the lame, the ragged, the old, the widowed, presenting
their tickets previously given, and speaking in Hebrew,
German, Spanish, or Turkish ; many were crying i^^
mere weakness — some with young babies in arms, some
staggering in fever or ague fits, who had got up from bed
because their children were crying for food. Most were
drenched with snow and rain, and perished by the keen
wind blowing through their summer rags. It needed
three stout kawwflsses to keep ofi* the crowd. One had
lost a shoe in the scuffle, and cried bitterly because it was
not his : it had only been lent him to come in.
The Moslem kawwAsses assisted the infirm to come
forAvard; and oiu' whole houscliold, official ^wphy^'"^^
BREAD AND FUEL DISTRIBUTED. 443
native servants, and men, down to the young children,
had to take part in bringing the bread quickly up, so as
to enable the poor creatures to be dismissed as soon as
possible, and get out of the crushing throng and out of
the snow.
Then arose a cry for a httle fiiel, if it was only a
handftd of charcoal apiece, in the bitter cold. There
was some small supply in the house, which had a back
door: to that back door each person was passed, after
receiving their loaf — and there small supplies of charcoal
were given out by two Spanish Jewesses who served us
in domestic work. The poor creatures who were to have
this fuel had no vessel in which to receive it, but pulled
off their wretched handkerchiefs, which served for turban
or girdle, and into these fuel enough to warm at least
one meal, or cup of coffee, was put. Those too old or too
distressed to help themselves sat down shaking and cry-
ing on the steps, while some one pulled some part of
their dress, even their jacket, if there was nothing else,
tied up a httle coal in it, and led them to the door to
make way for others.
The supply of loaves was not suflScient for the starv-
ing crowd, but as the Eev. Mr. Crawford, then one of
the Missionaries in Jerusalem, passed by, he gave us half-
a-sovereign, with which more bread was bought in the
Bazaar (by our kaww&s) and distributed within a few
minutes. And what blessings and thanks were poured
out for the small loaf or two among families of foiu-, six,
or eight persons! What a strange, sad sight was that
day's scene in the Iloly City ! And yet, this was only the
begiiinilig.
444 THE COMING OF MESSIAH DELAYED.
On the preceding Sabbath (I use the word in the
Jewish sense, of Saturday), Rabbi Y , one of the
most influential of his class, had been preaehing in
the Synagogue about the sin of delaying the coming of
Messiah, by accepting bread fix>m the Christians, when
one of the congregation interrupted him, exdaimiog that
the sin which really retarded the coming of Messiah was
to be found in the injustice and extortions practised in
Jerusalem.
I was told that there was at this time a movement
in the Jewish quarter, to petition Montefiore and Both-
schild to appoint the English Consid trustee for the distri-
bution of their charitable funds, instead of the Babbis.
I had no desire for such an addition to my daily labour,
which was already quite sufficient, besides the considera-
tion of the odium which such a change would infallibly
beget.
EDITOR'S NOTE.
[What the daily labour here referred to meant, may be
gathered from the following notices, which appear casually in
the Journals kept at the time : —
On one day, official visits in the forenoon (after a morn-
ing of reading and writing) to the authorities as to the best
means of restoring tranquillity in the country. Despatches and
letters dictated, written, and sent off by kawwasses in various
directions.
Next day. Travellers just arrived, visited, and looked after;
— office business. Evening lesson in modern Greek. Late that
night confidential interview with M — on the sudden death of
a person, who proved to have been poisoned. Up till 3 o'clock
in the morning writing despatches for Constantinople. I, though
DAILY LABOUR. 445
in very feeble health, making copies as fast as my husband
wrote them.
Next day, Sunday. Official proceedings in connection with
the death mentioned, and funeral — Church services.
Next day, Monday. Kawwas sent off to Urtas on urgent
business there. The Consul himself following alone in a storm
of rain (all his kawwasses being dispersed on duty in various
paiis of the country). Home in evening wet through. At
night he escorted Miss Cooper to her house after a charitable
meeting which she had attended though ill. He returned alone
with her small lantern in hand, through torrents of rain pour-
ing and water running down the hilly streets.
Next day. Besides usual business, numerous cases of Jewish
distress.
During next week office business as usual of all kinds, and
unusual work on the accounts with shipping and trade returns
of Sidon, Tjrre, Acre, Caiffa to make up. * Up till three in the
morning writing,' is another entry, and again, * Up very late
writing, as is common now.' Again, ^ For some days oppressed
with mental labour, brains tried to the uttermost.' Later when
all the travellers were gone, and throughout the summer when
rest would have been very desirable, the press of business was
as great as ever. In July the following entry occurs in the
Journal — * Days so filled up that I hardly know how to describe
them.'
These were the notes made by one whose delight was work,
whose favourite saying was * It is a royal thing to labour ;' who
never sought a holiday ; even he found the constant strain op-
pressive. But there was no help for it. Business was urgent :
help not to be had. And, indeed, but few of the very many
who had just claims on the attention of the British Consul,
whether residents or travellers, would have been content to
leave their business in any other hands than his own.]
That same day, a single camel-load of wheat came into
the city, brought by a native.
446 EFFECTS OF THE SNOW.
The crowd, striving to get a share of it, was so gieat
that the seller had to raise his price above three piasties
a measure, in order to reduce the number of the snp-
pliants.
More com was now ready to be brought in, but freA
snow fialUng and lying on the ground, made the steq)
roads dangerous for camels (with their soft, smooth feet),
and it could not arrive.
Day and night the snow continued, and the famine
with it.
Yet, in an agricultural point of view, a snow-M is
always looked upon as an omen of good, more so tbm
that of rain, and is conadered a promise of excellent har-
vest to succeed, not only of grain, but likewise of olives.
The well of En Eogel was overflowing down the Kedion
Valley, and the whole city and country were under snow.
The appearance of Jerusalem, and the Mount of Olives
thus under snow, is very curious, the perspective of dis-
tance becoming strangely distorted.
^Travellers were either detained, or had to return ater
once starting on the road ; some arrived on foot all the
way from Jafia or from Kamlah ; the irregular and broken
ground among the hills being concealed by a bad sutfec^
of snow, became unsafe for horses' tread. Among ^^
detained travellers were oflScers of the Coldstream and
PusUeer Guards.
This inclement weather, which had set in on the W
of March, continued with little interruption imtil the I2th.
Rain and snow fell alternately. On the morning of the
9th, the frost was so sharp that our bedroom windows,
facing west, were found to have a sheet of frost inflow
A CHARITABLE MOSLEM. 447
On the 10th, there was plenty of ice about, and the
morning was clear. Then came another heavy snow-
fall, but rain set in next day, and this ended in a thaw.
What wonder that there were deaths from starvation
among the unfortunate Jews, destitute of both food and
fiiel, in this severe weather, so unexpected in the month
of March ? ^ When Moslems and Christians were starving,
one could imderstand what must be the fate of the Jews.
Although the evil-minded persons who were mak-
ing their profit by thus keeping back the corn from the
market, were of the Moslem Effendi class, there were
many of this class who sufiered severely from want.
There were accoimts given to us of Effendis, who
were walking himgry about the streets, though clad in
rich robes. A Moslem lady was known to cut oflF her
hair, and send her slave to sell it in the bazaar for bread.
(Oriental women like to have as many braids of hair as
possible, and often wear the hair of other persons, or
even braids of silk, to make a greater show.) I did what
I could in expostulating with the Town Council on the
state of things, and on the high price of com for the poor.
The destitution became very alarming.
I heard of a charitable Moslem, purchasing fifty
measures of wheat, and throwing it down on his out-
spread cloak in the bazaar, he cried out, ' I have hfted
up my hand to the most High God to sell this, out of
mercy, for a less price than I gave for it.' What ensued
may be easily imagined.
Had there been an active Pashk in the seat of govem-
^ It sometimes happens that snow falls in Jerusalem even later, during
and at the end of the first week in April.
448 THE NEW PASHA GIVES HKLP.
ment, much of all this misery might have been prevented.
But there was no Pashk, and practically no government.
The members of the Commission were too closely con-
nected with the very men who, by their greed and love
of gain, had brought about much of the distress, to
attempt to interfere with any vigour.
A Turk, however weak and indolent he might be,
could have been influenced for good in the public in-
terest. Being a stranger, he could have acted if ^
chose, and could have been roused by energetic rq)re-
sentations to a sense of the responsibihty he would iflcur
by letting people perish of famine, while there was com
within reach.
The interregnmn was now near its end, and when the
new Pashk did arrive, resolute measures were taken for
searching in towns and throughout the coimtry for hidden
treasures of wheat and barley ; and the owners were com-
pelled to produce them for sale at some not very un-
reasonable rate.
This increase of quantity in the market of course
lowered the prices; but vast stores were still undis-
covered till next harvest time, when the hidden pi^
were opened. Then much of the grain was found to be
moulded by means of this winter's excessive rains and
snow, and the com had to be thrown away amid the
execrations of the poor, as in Proverbs xi. 26.
Happily for the inhabitants of Jerusalem, our harvert
was abundant, and new wheat was brought into the
Jerusalem, market about the middle of May. A po^^
Moslem brought in about one hundred measures, i-^-
five camel-loads, and, pouring it out in the market, said
PHICE OF T^HEAT REDUCED. 449
that he had swom to God to sell his first new wheat at
14 piastres per measure, and in quantities not exceeding
three measures to any one person (in order to prevent
interested persons jfrom buying it all up). This act
instantly brought down wheat, from the imheard of
price to which it had risen of 27 and 30 piastres per
measure, to 15. It rose again in a day or two to 21 and
23, but even this reduction was an immense boon.
VOL. I. GO
450
CHAPTER XVn.
AfiBIYAL OF TAKOOB PASHA.
A Pasbft of andent fomilj — Quiet restored — ^Pilgrims — Qieeks — MoAeoB-
Indian and Tartar Durweeahee and Oonyents — ^EBtabliahment of a Spimik
Conaulate — ^French war shipa on the coast — French plgrims— LatiD
Patriarch's triumph in Bait Jala — ^English Travellers — Queen's Srtfadr
— Kubrisli Pashik now Ghrand Vizier — ^Arrest of three Effendis— Chief d
the Police arrested at the instance of the British Consulate andconrieted
of robbery — ^No English ships on the coast — ^News and rumours— Posi-
tion of Austria and PruasiA — ^News of the War, both true and /alse.
Thb interregnum at last came to an end.
The new Pashk was announced on March 5th, ^
already arrived at Jaffa. We had been told that he vas
a man of far higher station than had ever before been
appointed to the Fashalic of Jerusalem.
This Pashk was named Takoob, and was a descendant
of the famous old and wealthy family of Kara-Osman-
Oglu, in Asia Minor.
* We Moslems reck not much of blood.
But' yet the line of Caragmiin
Unchanged, unchangeable hath stood.' ^
Hitherto, the Turks sent to Jerusalem had been men
who had risen from the ranks, and who had no fionily
distinction whatever. One or two had been men of some
force of character, but they were exceptions to the rule,
the great majority being insignificant and merely ad*
venturers, while some were absolutely illiterate.
1 'Bride of Abydos.'
A PASHA OF HIGH FAMH^T. 451
In eleven days after disembarking, our new governor,
Yakoob Pashk, entered Jerusalem. He was old, like
his predecessor, and was said to be eighty-four. He
held the same rank of W&li, or Musheer, i.e. a Pash&
of three horse-tails. He was, therefore, addressed as
DowUtlu Efendim, instead of ' Sa'adetlu Effendim,' which
wa^ the proper form in addressing the usual class of pro-
vincial Pashks, who were *Muteserref ' of two horse-tails.
The arrival of so high a functionary, whether com-
petent or not to establish order permanently among the
turbulent factions of the rural districts, might be expected
to give at least a temporary 'spurt' to the Ottoman
domination, and, as such, the Pashk was heartily wel-
comed by the civic population. His Excellency's rank
was, however, by no means indicated by the retinue
brought with him : they were only of the class to which
we had been accustomed — ^hungry pipe-bearers and
slipper-carriers, from the hangers-on of the metropolis
— ^but who lived in hopes of being transformed into
governors of towns, secretaries, &c. The miserable
apartments, for residence and business, in the Seragho,
remained as before; and anyone among us who might
not be a favourer of Turkish existence, would hail the
decrepit octogenarian now arrived, as a fitting repre-
sentative of 'the sick man' about to vanish from the
world's notice.
The Consuls, as may be supposed, watched the advent
of the new Pathk with special interest at such a critical
period. Whatever others might know, the Enghsh Con-
sulate had no information as to his official antecedents,
and could form no guess as to the line of conduct he was
ee 2
452 VI8ITS OF CEREMONY.
likely to adopt under the circumstances. Tfia age indh
cated nothing, for his white beard might have represented
an 'Ah Fashk of Tanina, or a decrepit Doge of Venice
in earlier times, only that the Tanzim&t would allow of
neither in 1854.
The rule was that, on the arrival of a new Faahii,
visits of ceremony were paid to him by the Consuls (in
full uniform) and by all the civil and religious digni*
taries. The Pashk gave me a most friendly reoeptioD.
But meeting with the Anglican Bishop and the clergy on
the return from their visit, they expressed dissatisfactioii
with the amount of civility accorded to them. His Ex-
cellency had departed from usual custom, and had ndther
risen to receive them, nor had offered them pipes.
The village magnates also came to pay their court
to the new Fashk, and some of these men played
the hypocrite for temporary purposes. One day Blw/
Mustafa Abu Gosh came to visit me, deploring the past
dissensions, and desiring to make peace with the Coo-
sulate, as the 'Dowleh' (government) and he were fiow
reconciled. 'Abderrahhm&n el Amer, of Hebron, came
with two of his brothers, to whom he was now reconcfled
* under the favour of Dowletlu el BashS.' and did the same;
and a third chief, Muslehh el Azizi, of Bait Jibreen, having
also seen His Excellency, * could not think of leaving the
dty, in returning homewards, without visiting the English
Consul, and assuring him of the universal satisfiurtion in
having so good a Pashk,' also expressing fervent vows,
that * now the world was to be at rest, Inshallahl*
What could I do with these malefactors when they
thus presented themselves, in amity with each other and
VILLAGE CHIEES PAY HOMAGE. 453
with the Government, their only legal judge, but receive
them and treat them to pipes and coffee ? All the fault
I had ever had to find with them had been in the interest
of their own Government.
How long this amiable sociality among the village
c}iie£3 and their Turkish rulers lasted, we shall have an
opportunity of seeing hereafter. It was ominous that
some days later a fourth of tibese potentates came to me
— ^Mohammed 'Abd en Nebi, of the opposite faction —
entreating for favour, and to be backed at the Seraglio.
That day week after, he was in prison, which was, no
doubt, the result of coalition among the others, now lately
reconciled.
The Government officials continued as venal and
peculating as ever, from the highest to the lowest — ^from
Yakoob Kara Osman Oglu himself down to the poorest
Tufenkchi (Tufenkchies, gunners, i.e. gens d'armes or
pohce) inclusive, and the people suffered in consequence.
There was naturally a court party about the Seraglio
entirely satisfied with that state of things, rule by bribery ^
being the only known form of Oriental government ever
since the days of Ibrahim Fashk (except, perhaps, for a
while in Mehmet Kubrisli Pashk's time), and it was one
that most particularly suited their private pecuniary
interests.
Within a very few days the villagers of Ain Karem,
with their elders, came to Jerusalem, imploring help from
the French and English Consuls, representing then:
grievances against the Pashk himself, on account of
enormous extortions and personal receipt of bribes.
It must be remembered that all the above-named
/
454 QUIET RESTORED.
/
local chiefs had been implicated on one side or the oths
during last year's village wars ; and doubtless the new
Pashk was informed by the Effendis of the city, connected
with the various factions, of the existing rivalries, and
was able to profit by them when receiving the customaiy
visits of congratulation and loyalty on his installation in
office. Hereafter we shall see that as the Pashk became
more feeble, and after his death, the feuds broke out
afresh. But, for the present, order prevailed. Doubtles
the Government at Constantinople had instructed the
Pashk to put down disturbances, or at least to discour^
them. All was now quiet.
The Pashk also received visits of homage fi*om the
Tokan family of Nabloos, whose rivals, the 'Abdul Hfidi,
had for some time held the post of Governor of that
city.
Within two months the Tok&n were installed in office,
and the 'Abdul Hftdi dispossessed. It was no doubt
poUtic at this juncture to have that important town In the
hands of a family whose loyalty to Turkish rule was long
and well tried.
In Jerusalem itself we had settled down into die
usual routine ot busmess by the middle of April, and we
were free from any immediate dread of invasion by either
a Russian or a French army.
Our chief anxiety at present was lest there should not
be enough bread to eat — ^unless the coming harvest
should prove to yield enough for this country, and also
to satisfy the requisitions of the army at the seat of
war.
So extraordinary a year for rain, snow, and cold had
GREEK PILOBIMS. 455
not been known to the oldest inhabitant ; snow had even
fallen at Jafia — a thing unheard of at that low level.
In Jerusalem it had lain deep for days together. Nine
inches of snow on the ground, and more falling, had
been seen more than once smce January. On Easter
Monday, April 17, we were glad to sit by the fireside.
Torrents of water had flowed down the valleys, but all
this was good for the crops, and the harvest promised
well. Prices, however, continued distressingly high, and
had pilgrims arrived m the usual numbers, there must
have been a general famine. There was a fearful amount
of distress, but as this was mostly among the Jews, I
will give the details in speaking about them.
The usual petty trade of Jerusalem was bad, for
although travellers were numerous this year, and came
from America as well as from the various countries of
Europe, pilgrims were very, very scarce. The uncer-
tainties consequent on the war had deterred them from
coming. Indeed, during the early part of the year it
had been supposed that Greece was also about to declare
war, and in that case Greek pilgrims would have found it
impossible to visit Jerusalem in safety. So great was the
anxiety on this subject that the few pilgrims of the
Oriental creeds in Jerusalem made their excursion to the
Jordan a fortnight before the usual time. Moslem pil-
grimages to Neby Moosa and Easter celebrations went
on as usual.
It was painftd to hear on Gbod Friday the beating of
drums and the shouts of the Mohammedan pilgrims who,
with flags flying, thronged the streets on their way to or
from the Sanctuaries, either in Jerusalem or at Neby
456 MOSLEM PILGRIMS.
Moosa, near the Dead Sea, where the reputed tomb d
the prophet Moses is visited at this season by devotee
from all parts where the professors of Islllm are to be
found. It is always a matter for congratulation wben
these pilgrimages come to an end without any collision
having occurred between fanatics from among either lie
Moslem or the Christian pilgrims.
Some of the Moslems of the town fell upon and b^
three Abyssinian* Christians. They appealed to me for re-
dress as I was walking across the premises of our churdi;
I sent to the Pashk, who at once imprisoned the MosIeiM,
and so put an end to the matter. This, however, hd
nothing to do with the pilgrimages of either Moslems or
Christians, which had passed off quietly.
Mohammedan pilgrims resort to Jersusalem from ^
the countries of Asia and of Africa, where Isl&m is knom
Many com« from India every year to attend the grea*
pilgrimage to the reputed tomb of Moses at Neby Moosa
in the spring season.
Thus it happened that we had many British subjects
among these Moslem pilgrims. There were also BritisD
subjects among the resident Moslems — sometimes as
many as forty were living together in Jerusalem. AmoDj
the crowds of famine-stricken Jews that crowded around
oiu- door, amid the snow in March, an unfortunate Indian
Durweesh one day presented himself, in the hope (oi
course, not disappointed) that he too might receive a W
of bread.
In Jerusalem, and in proximity to the Hharam esn
Shereef (Noble Sanctuary), there are endowed houses
(commonly called Convents) for reception of Moslem p"
PILGRIMS FROM INDIA. 457
grims coming from the remote East. Here they have
free lodging and some allowance of food. One of these
houses is allotted to Indians (Hinood), and another to
Tartars.^
Into the latter, the Usbekiyeh (house for Usbeg
Tartars), I once accompanied a party of EngUsh travel-
lers, being driven in for shelter from a ftirious storm of
rain. One of the English company was on return from
high Government office in Burmah, and he fell into
conversation with the President of the place, in Persian.
This Shaikh was from Bokhara.
To the other Teklyeh (the Hindoo) I often escorted
Indian civil and military officers (of whom many used
to pass through Jerusalem), and partook of the hospi-
tality of these Indian subjects of her Majesty, of their
hookah and coffee, or sherbet, the visitors meanwhile
chatting in Persian or in Hindustani — shaded luxuriously
by a vine treUis, and overlooking a prospect of the
sacred precincts within the Hharam. The inmates of this
house were most conmionly Punjabee Moslems, but some
were Bengalees. One visitor discovered a Eajpoot
among these residents in the Indian Convent, and was
not at all prepossessed by his manners.
Indians sometimes came to me to the Consulate. Once
I was honoured by a visit from a well-dressed gentleman
^ These Tartars are Sunnis. Our Mohammedans of Turkey being also
Sttnnis, make it a point to uphold the title of the Ottoman Sultan as OaUph
of their orthodox pilgrimB from all regions of the world. ' The Turkish
l^Gssion ' at Tehran exercises a sort of patronage based on the sentiment of
conmion (Turkish) origin and common orthodoxy^ — ^but devoid of aU political
character — towaids these Central Asiatic pilgrims, protecting them as its
clients, and furnishing them with a dole of money out of the Sultan's bounty.
(Selection from the Writings of Viscount Strangford^ vol. ii. p. 137.)
458 DURWEESHES. THUGS.
from Delhi, and on my remarking his perfection in
speaking English, he replied, in a tone of voice y^(^
expressed discomfort, * Yes, it is the language of our
masters, and we have to learn it.'
I was afterwards honoured by a visit from a Durweeah
in miserable rags (also a British subject), named Sayid
Meer 'Ali, conversant with many Oriental languages, who
presented a petition for alms in Persian, in which ke
described himself as ' the dust of the earth beneath the
soles of the feet of his Excellency,' which is a canting
phrase among such mendicants, and is used by Dur-
weeshes in Saadis' Quhst4n. We conversed in Arabia
It once happened that on paying a viat, as I had often
done before, with an Indian civil officer, to the Indian
Teklyeh (or Convent for Moslem pilgrims) for a gossip on
his part in Hindustani or Persian, or some other dialect
of the further East, I remarked that he paid particular
attention to two of the inmates — ^putting them under some
degree of catechisation. In returning homewards he
expressed his strong idea that these men, as well as some
others he had met at Jericho, were members of the Thug
society, and urged me to communicate on the subject
with the Thuggery department of Bengal. He furnished
me with a letter from himself for use in doing so. That
step was therefore taken, and in due time a replf
arrived from the superintendent to the eflfect that, from
the indications afforded, it was improbable the suspicion
could be well foimded.
It has been often asked what subject pertaining to
any country in the world has not some chord in
vibration with Jerusalem. Who would have previously
SPANISH CONSULATE ESTABLISHED. 459
thought of the Thuggee question ever rising up amongst
us there ? Next year, however, we had sufficient annoy-
ance from Indian pilgrims connected with, and in antici-
pation of, the outbreak of the great Indian Eevolt.
The failure of Christian pilgrims this year chiefly
arose from the Greeks being afraid to come as supposed
partisans of Eussia in the war. But Latin interests were
in the ascendant.
Among the events of this period connected with the
Latin Christians, as well as with the European influences
in Jerusalem, was the institution of a new Consulate,
namely, that of the kingdom of Spain, which was now
represented in the person of Don Pio de Andrea Garcia,
* Caballero del real orden de Carlos tercero y aun de
Isabella.'
An expectation then floated in the air that this ap-
pointment must, to some extent, modify the form or
range of French protection of Christianity — seeing that
the Spanish monarchy enjoyed the title. Papally bestowed,
of * Most Catholic' The Spanish friars, at least within
the Convents, imagined so, particularly those in the Con-
vents of 'Ain Karem or St. John in the Wilderness (south-
west of Jerusalem, about 6 miles ofi*), which is wholly
Spanish property.
It may be here stated, in anticipation once for all,
that this hope of the Spanish monks was never realised.
The French held fast their protectorate, even as super-
seding within the Convents the rights of nationality, that
is to say, persons of Spanish birth having taken upon
themselves the Franciscan or Carmelite vows, found that
while they were residing within the Ottoman Empire
460 FRENCH PROTECTORATE OF CHRISTIANS.
they had become practically subjects of the Prenci—
a nation which they especially dislike ; and not only this,
but their conventual property was only their own as
under French protection.
In this respect the Spaniards are, however, no worse
off than Austrians (or any other Boman Oatholics),
though the Austrians also have a Consul, belonging to
their own nation, resident in Jerusalem, who had no more
power of acting for Austrian monks than the Spanish
Conmil had of acting for Spanish monks. Italian friais
are, of course, in the same case. They are always nume-
rous in the Holy Land, and the office of President^ (x
Custos, in the ^ Terra Santa ' headquarters at Jerusalem
is always held by an Itahan. But these latter did not
so much feel the inconvenience of being under Prendi
jurisdiction, seeing that since 1849 they had had no
Consul of their own, and all the other interests of Italy
had been committed to the care of France, in the
absence of any Italian Consul.
The reason for what at first sight seems to be a
strange arrangement is to be found in the interpretation
given to the phrase, 'Protector of Christianity in the
East.' This being, as has been before explained, one of
the titles accorded to France, in times past, by the Sultans
of Turkey, has been interpreted to mean that all Chris-
tian (Latin) interests within the Turkish Empire must be
protected by and through the French authorities, and by
them alone. Every question, therefore, which concerns
the religious establishments of the Latins, must be dealt
with by their French protectors, who have the exclusive
right of interference on their behalf.
NO SPANISH SUBJECTS. ' 461
Personal and purely secular interests may, of course,
be otherwise treated ; — an Italian, Spaniard, or Austrian
would, of course, go to his own national Consul, where
either personal or secular interests were involved. Monks,
however, within Convents, cannot be said to have either
personal or secular interests apart from those of the com-
munity with which they are incorporated, and all the
religious communities come under the jurisdiction and
protectorate of France.
So it came to pass that the worthy gentleman who
arrived in Jerusalem as Spanish Consul had at that time
no duties to perform — unless, by very rare chance, a
traveller from the Western Peninsula^ visited Jerusalem.
The Spanish Consulate, therefore, turned its attention to
the Jewish quarter for procuring subjects, even from
among the very people who had been expelled wholesale
from their most Catholic country in 1492. But the
Sephardim, i.e. the Spanish and Portuguese Jewish
families of Jerusalem, had been now nearly four centuries
settled as Turkish subjects, and therefore could not be
had. I heard, however, that after a time two Jewish
families, arriving fresh from Gran, accepted the Spanish
protection, desiring anything rather than to be accounted
Turks. Under the circumstances here described, and with
so slender a body of subjects for his jurisdiction, the very
dazzling uniform of the Spanish Consid, and fiiU staff of
official retainers, were as empty of significance as Queen
Isabella's title of Sovereignty in America, or as the Arch-
^ I belieye that the Oongalate was also comnusaioiied for Portuguese
affairs. South Americans might also^ if they chose^ haye the same protection,
but these would give but very trifling additions to the Oonsular duty. I
never heard of any persons from those American countries having arrived.
462 FRENCH WAB SHIPS.
bishop of Toledo's office as Patriarch of the Indies. Bat
our little European society gained a pleasant addition
in M. and Madame de Gtarda and their suite, and pure
CastOian was thenceforward added permanently to the
languages spoken in our drawing-rooms.
French ships of war were now more frequently seen
upon the coast of Palestine than heretofore. Ther
officers visited the Holy City, and in their presence the
native Latin Christians lifted up their heads with cheerftl
expectation. But, nevertheless, I do not remember any
instance of insulting triumph, or of undue advantage,
taken by the Latins over their * orthodox ' brediren
— ^the natives belonging to the Eastern Churches, who
were therefore supposed to be identified with the Bussiafl
cause, and who had now no naval or military patronage
on their side.
To aU outward appearance the Convents of ik
rival churches also kept peace with each other; eva
the inveterate disputes between them, to which the
public had so long been accustomed, were now suspende(l,
partly because the Sanctuary difficulties had been to
some extent decided by the superior lay authority of the
Gtovemment, whose aid had been invoked by both parties,
and partly because the Presidents of the Convents on each
side had the wisdom to perceive that collisions during
this period of national war could not but lead to ulterior
and wider compUcations.
In April there arrived a second large body of frend
pilgrims to the Holy Land, six of whom were clergy, ^^
one a baron. They paid at the English Consulate a visit
of ceremony. Their two guides and conductor, being th^
FRENCH PILGRIMS. 463
pne an Englishman bom and the other a British subject
(Latin Maltese), was the reason for this visit being, to
some extent, a visit of business, as well as for friendly
civility, as through the conductor and his Consulate the
necessary arrangements were made.
The visitors expressed a hope that they might receive
as much assistance in their expedition to the Jordan and
the Dead Sea as they courteously acknowledged their
predecessors — ^the last French party — had received. (It
wiU be remembered that the former party had been in
danger of not getting to the Jordan at all, untU we
succeeded in releasing their baggage animals, which the
Turkish authorities had impressed for Government ser-
vice in the removal of troops to the seat of war.)
The good offices to be rendered by us consisted not
only in our protecting their riding and baggage nniTnals
from the ' Sukhr ' (Government impressment), but also in
making arrangements for their escort, according to the
contract made at the British Consulate with the Arab
tribes, who monopolised the privilege of conducting
travellers through their territories in that direction,
according to certain terms of a tarif agreed upon, and
which was not to be exceeded.^
1 This contract was of great utility during the period when Turkish rule
was practically a nonentity. It preyented the Arah tribes from extorting
money at their own discretion, or eyen fighting skirmishes with each other
upon the high road for possession of trayellers. Each tribe undertook the
duty of escort and guard, in regular rotation. The fees were fixed and
moderate, and were neyer exceeded. During this summer, 1854, we succeeded
in making a further contract with the Adw&n Arabs for escort beyond Jor-
dan to Ammd.n and Jerash. Old ' Abdu'l Azeez, the negotiator, got a present
of a blue coat {Mheh)^ and shawl for the head (Kefiah) ; his attendaoits got
a ducat among them, 89., nominally for shodng their mares in tiayelling oyer
our rocky roads, to which they are not accustomed in the desert.
464 LATINS AT BAIT JALA.
The system of regular responsible escort for travella?
had hitherto worked very well. It was now extended to
the Eastern side of Jordan.
We had another proof this year of the strengthening
of Latin interests in the Holy Land.
In a former chapter (ch. XTTI.) I have related the
proceedings in the village of Bait Jala, near Bethlehem,
between the peasantry of that hitherto Greek and Mos-
lem place and the Latin Patriarch, in respect of the semi-
nary and patriarchal residence which he was endeavour-
ing to estabUsh there. During his residence of about
three months the villagers had treated his Grace very
unceremoniously, and he resolved to appeal in person to
Constantinople. He was in great indignation with the
Turkish authorities, and left Jerusalem in February in
company of the French Consul.
By means of the immense weight of the French
Embassy at the Porte at this time, and owing to the
annihilation, for the present, of Russo-Greek influence
there, the Patriarch was successful in obtaining a firmftn
of authorisation for carrying out his plans.
The Patriarch returned from Constantinople on
August 21st. So great was the stir and preparation
made for his reception that I was obliged to give up an
expedition into the country, which had been arranged for
that day, being unable to hire a horse for my kaww&s,
every beast being engaged for the triumphant procession
of the Patriarch in the afternoon. The firing of muskets
in feiuc de joie annoimced the approach of his party, and
we watched the arrival over the hills from the West. It
was a pretty sight. /
1,
I
THE PATRIARCH'S TRIUMPH. 465
The cavalcade was, of course, headed by mounted
kaww&sses, bearing their silver staves of office. The
Patriarch's own kaww&sses were accompanied by those of
the French and other Eoman Catholic Consulates, and
the Turkish authorities had also sent officials, according to
custom, to join in the reception.
The reluctant owner of the site chosen by the Patri-
arch was called on to sell it, but he — a peasant of the
place — being in the interest of the Greek Church, still
refused to accept from the Latin invaders the price
offered for his land, though it was a very handsome sum.
This was then placed in deposit in the hands of the
Turkish authorities. Three years later I know he had not •
accepted the money. It may be that he took it at last,
under a threat of losing it altogether. The new buildings
were, however, begun and carried out. All efforts at
creating a disturbance were sternly repressed with a high
hand under the Turkish administration, quickened by the
zeal of the French Consulate.
The humble village chiurch of the Greeks was
speedily eclipsed by the pretentious architecture of the
Latin church — the Patriarch's palace rose adjoining out
of the extensive oUve grove, and to it was ranoved, fix>m
Jerusalem, the clerical seminary for the education of
native youths (a system hitherto seldom adopted by the
Greek Church) in an European curriculum of theology and
other studies. The three establishments formed three
sides of a quadrangle, and the fine church bell now
resounds there among the hills, being heard both at
Eachel's Sepulchre and at Bethlehem.
Hitherto Eastern Christians hving in South Palestine
VOL. I. H H
466 CHURCH BELLS.
had been compelled to observe the terms of capitalation
with their Moslem conquerors under Omar — ^to abstain
from building new churches and from ringing church
bells. Instead of bells they were obliged to use the
nakoos^ or a plank of wood suspended, and struck with a
hammer for the purpose of calling the congregation to
service.
We had a small bell within the premises of our
English Church, since 1846, which was at first used to
call our builders together, and at the Latin Convent a
small bell was also used. Excepting for these, the sound
of bells would have been unknovm to the inhabitants.
In July, 1854, our small bell was replaced by a lai^er
one over the gateway in our church premises. But now
the Latins were able to rejoice in having at least been
able to set one good bell ringing over the Judean hiDs*
There was another reason besides his satisfaction in the
triumph over the Greek Church, which made the Patriarch
rejoice in his success in founding an establishment at Bait
Jala. This place is sufficiently near to the Sanctuary of
Bethlehem to be a convenient residence for the Patriarch,
who would have found some diflSculty in establishing him-
self at Bethlehem itself, because the ground there was
preoccupied by the monks residing in the Latin Convent,
The secular clergy, who arrived in the Holy Land
in the Patriarch's train, had always been r^arded with
a certain amount of jealousy and disfavour by the
monks, who had come to look upon themselves as the
rightful representatives of Latin Christianity, and who did
not at all feel inclined to submit themselves and their
concerns to the Patriarchate. Indeed the Superiors of
THE MONKS AND THE PATRIARCH. 467
Terra Santa Convents made a determined resistance to
the pretensions of the Latin Patriarch to have control of
their revenues. The monkd sturdily refused to hand over
the moneys which were remitted from Europe, or to
render any account of expenditure.
In this quarrel between the Patriarch and his seculars
and the monks, the latter were supported by the Austrian
Consulate, on the ground that a large portion of the-
funds in dispute were contributed by the faithful in the
Austrian Empire. The Consul even threatened to send
the chests of dollars back intact to Europe, rather than
allow the Patriarch to touch them. The quarrel was
referred to Home for decision, and the result was in
favour of the monks, who were confirmed in their rights,
and in the freedom of their financial ajflfairs from the
Patriarchal interference.
The monks would assuredly not have been pleased
had the Patriarch attempted to establish himself and his
people in Bethlehem itself ; but they could not, of course,
raise any objection to the founding of a Latin institution
at Bait Jala, especially as this was done in despite of the
Greeks ; and so the Latin Patriarchate and college, with
its church, may now be seen over against Bethlehem with
its ancient Convent, while Eachel's Sepulchre by the way-
side lies between the two.
The Patriarch's buildings were not completed with-
out giving offence to the French authorities ; for it was
discovered one day that his Grace had had sculptured
over the principal entrance his own family coat-of-arms,
instead of any emblem denoting the Patriarchal office
(excepting his official hat), or, what had been fully ex-
V H 2
468 EDUCATION DESIRED.
pected, the arms of France, through whose efforts alone
the institution had been begun and brought to a comple-
tion. The Patriarch's arms, being carved on the keystone
of the arch, could not be easily removed, and they ivere
suffered to remain.
The Latin Patriarch, while availing himself to the
full of the advantages to the Latin cause of the Turkiah
alliance with France, was personally strongly opposed
to the Emperor of the French. It was found on one
occasion that at a banquet the portrait of the Ehnperor
was turned with its face to the wall, while the com-
panion portrait of the Empress was properly hung.
Both had been sent to him as presents from the French
Court.
The seminary at Bait Jala was hkely to prove a most
useful institution in ftirthering the Latin cause. Proselytes
from other communities were always welcomed by both
the Convent and the Patriarchal party. As in other
countries, so in Palestine, the Boman Cathohcs held out
to those among whom they laboured the tempting bait
of education. Monks would send promising youths
for education to Borne, the nuns offered education
in Paris to any who seemed likely to care for Euro-
pean accomplishments; and the Patriarch and the
Dames de Sion saw the wisdom of founding educational
institutions near Jerusalem ; for people of all creeds had
awoke to the advantages of education, and were desirous
to have it as a means of advancement in condition and in
wealth.
The Latin Patriarch frequently represented how few
the Latins are in Turkey as compared with the Christians
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS. 469
of the Greek Church or those of other Eastern
churches. In this he was in perfect accord with the
monks and with Eoman Catholic pilgrims, who were
always lamenting the persecutions and injustice to which
they and ' their little flock ' were habitually exposed at
the hands of the Greek Church. But vigorous measures
were now being taken to remedy this state of things,
and to win converts to the Latin fold.
There was, however, one serious obstacle to the efforts
made by the Latins to obtain proselytes from other Chris-
tian Churches. This was the disgust felt among Easterns
at the assumption by the Pope of the office and title of
Vicegerent of Christ. The phrase * Wakeel AUah,' * the
Deputy {alter ego) of God,' is to the Oriental mind nothing
short of blasphemy.
The EngUsh traveUers in Palestine had been numerous
this year. The services in our church on Easter Day
were numerously attended. At the early morning
Arabic service there were Arabs present from Gifitia
(Gophna) as well as from other villages. One of the
Bethlehem women present had put on a splendid new
dress in honour of the festival.
At the 10 o'clock English service the Church was
fall, although the heavy rain kept some of the travellers
away. There were seventy-eight conmiunicants, besides
the three officiating clergy. Among this number were
a good many native Christians.
Hitherto we had been unable to erect any kind of
belfry for our church — ^Moslem law, or rather the Jeru-
salem Capitulations, forbidding Christians to use bells ;
but in the course of this year a small belfry was put up
470 ORIENTAL VISITORS TO OUR CHURCH.
on one of the mission buildings, and from that time for-
ward the bell — ^not a large one, but having a good fiill
sound — ^was regularly rung for Divine service at all
times.
Abdu'l Wahhad, the E&di of Nabloos, and some of
the chief members of the Tokfln family, visited our church,
and expressed their delight at the absence of images and
pictures.
On Sunday a laige number of Sephardi Jews came to
the church, and waited long before the doors were open,
when they came in and stayed to witness the service.
This was a very unusual thing, for the Babbinical Jevrs
are afraid of magical influence being exerted upon them
by what they may hear, or by the crosses and other
things to be found in Latin and Greek churches.
On the same day a number of Greek monks came in
also during Divine service.
Our travellers had gone about with, as much freedom
as usual, without any inconvenience, excepting that one,
who had ventured too near the Temple Sanctuary on the
City Wall, was hurt by a stone which a Moslem boy had
thrown at him in his fanatical anger.
The mihtary commandant had allowed us, for the
first time, to take a large party of travellers to the top of
the Citadel, or Tower of David, to the no small astonish-
ment of the Moslems when they beheld them on the top
of the castle.
The Chief of the AdwSn Arabs, from the Jordan plain,
DeS.b el Adwdn, came to Jerusalem on his own business,
and sent me word that he was able and willing to arrange
for the drawing up of the contract whereby the comfort
THE 'ADWAn at the CONSULATE. 471
and safety of English travellers might be secured. He
announced that the Chief Abdul Azeez was ready to
come if invited.
This meant that the Bedawy Chief and his suite were
within reach somewhere on the east of the Mount of
Olives, which serves as a barrier between the civilised
world, having government authority, and Desert rule and
territory. The wild men shelter in quiet nooks behind it,
and there communicate with people who may give them
the meeting.
In a few hours the Shaikh appeared. He and his
party are real wild Arabs— dirty, and forming a strong
contrast to his cousin De4b, who is dressed as clean and
as well as any Effendi of the town, but with a more mag-
nificent sword than any Effendi. They are both tall
fellows, with hawk eyes and noses. All the Adw4n party
were childishly curious about the house and furniture (so
new to them).
The celebration of the Queen's birthday was always
duly observed at the British Consulate on May 24th,
according to the custom by which the birthdays of foreign
sovereigns were celebrated at the Consulate belonging to
their respective nations. Every Consul came in uniform
to pay his respects, accompanied by his suite in full state.
•The Patriarchs, Chief Eabbis of the Jews, the Turkish
authorities, and principal inhabitants of every creed, also
joined in thus doing honour to the day.
These visitors were always received by the Consul of
the nation whose royal birthday was thus being kept, in
full uniform, and they were entertained with sweetmeats,
sherbets, pipes, and coffee.
472 THE QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY.
Our Queen's birthday this year was kept with much
ceremony. The first visitor at half-past 8 in the morn-
ing was our friend M. Botta, the French CSonsul, who had
previously sent us some beautiful and rare flowers from
his garden.
In the evening the rooms were filled again by a large
party — ^the new Spanish Consul and his lady speaking
Castilian, our French and other visitors their respective
languages, Arab Christian ladies in silks and diamonds,
with natural flowers in their head-dresses. The Prussian
Pastor and our Bishop were in one comer discussing the
war and Prussian politics with the Prussian Consul, whose
bride, newly arrived, played classical music on the 'piano-
forte, as she, being a Moschelles, could play ; and at
intervals a pilgrim from' Germany, who had wandered
hither, gave sweet music on his harp.
The Pashk had not come that day, probably because
he was so old and feeble ; and the Sephardi Chief Eabbi
was ill, so he, too, was absent.
At the dose of the evening * God save the Queen '
was sung, and the second verse with special emphasis
in present circumstances, when war was actually going
on, for the Austrian post had told us of the Bussians
having crossed the Danube, that our fleet had gone to
Varna, and had also brought indistinct rumours of a
Greek insurrection.
So much for the city and its affairs. Though our
Pashk was eighty-four years old, he certainly did govern
with a much firmer hand than his predecessor had done,
and he subdued the country under him.
We had, besides, at present a respectable garrison of
\
ARREST OF THREE EFFENDI8. 473
troops in Jerusalem, and so were kept in peace for some
time. As for the surrounding country, a disturbance might
occasionally be imminent among the villagers ; but it was
a comfort to know that there was no one man with
influence enough to rally the discontented around him.
'Abderrahhmflu el Amer (of Hebron) and Abu Gosh
both understood their lucrative positions too well to be
induced to interrupt the general tranquiUity to any great
extent, and the Government contented itself with in-
spiring awe into the peasantry by now and then taking
out the two brass field-pieces on to the Meid4n, or public
promenade, outside the city, and firing them off. The
reverberations of sound against the hills were multiplied
along the valleys far away. These two were the only
portable pieces of artillery possessed by the Ottoman
Sultan, between Egypt and Acre.
There was, however, another weighty reason for the
present repose of our rural champions. The new Grand
Vizier was Mehemet Kubrusli Pasha, before referred to,
whose name inspired more terror than the two brass
guns. In 1846-7, when he was Pashk of Jerusalem, he
had made them all feel that they had a master. His
seizure and banishment of turbulent chieftains were
stiU vividly remembered, and his being now at the height
of power as the Grand Vizier at Constantinople had a
great effect on the population.
It was probably under this influence that one day
three of the leaders in the Civic Div&n (Mejlis) were
suddenly placed under arrest, and speedily shipped off to
Constantinople, as being politically suspected. These were
Mohammed Durweesh Effendi, 'Ali Nakeeb Effendi, and
/
474 CHIEF OF THE POUCE AKRESTED.
Ehaleel Effendi. They affected in public that they were
going on a visit to congratulate the new Vizier, Kubrusli
Pasyt, their old acquaintance, and actually came to take
a ceremonial leave of me on the occasion, reckoning upon
the favourable idea this step would produce among the
people. This ceremony was performed, and no alluaioa
was made on either side to the true state of affairs.
Another sudden blow was struck within the city.
The Chief of the Police, Khaleel Aga er-Bess&s, was con-
victed of collusion in a theft committed with violence in
the house of a Jew imder English protection. He was
deprived of ofSice, and was imprisoned for several weeks.
He hsus been previously described as being a man of
notoriously bad reputation. He had been so long in
office that his power was great, and it was incredible
what efforts were made at the British Consulate, directly
and indirectly, to obtain his release.
There were visits of official persons interceding on
his behalf, private conversations of Jews under terror
of what his revengeful spirit (and we had only too great
cause to know what a vindictive, cruel man he was) might
prompt his relations and spies to do. Efforts were made
by village Shaikhs to bribe the emphySs of the Consulate
to speak in his favour — evenBedaween Chiefs introduced
the subject, amid other matter, when met in imexpected
places. De4b Adw4n from beyond Jordan came to the
office for the purpose of intercession, but it was observed
that he had on a new suit of clothes and a new sword —
things which told plainly that he was not disinterested.
It was our custom to have the post conveyed between
Jaffa and Jerusalem by our own kawwas, often by night,
OONVIOTED OF ROBBERY. IMPRISONED. 475
and always in perfect safety, although the French Consul's
postman, with kawwS^ses, had been occasionally plun-
dered of property (not of letters) on the way.
One night, however, in the course of the summer, the
English post was stopped on the Plain of Sharon by a
noted thief named Sa'adeh,^ not for the purpose of rob-
bery, but to expostulate on the imprisonment of this
same Khaled Aga er-Eess&s, Chief of the Police, at the
instance of the British Consulate, as described, because
he (Sa'adeh) was under an obligation of gratitude to this
man for having, not long before, allowed him to escape
from the SeragUo dungeon for a bribe of 1,400 piastres
and a quantity of silver — (peasant) women's ornaments.
As it was, the robber only vented his displeasure, but
declared that if it had been another of my men, whom he
named, that he had met, he should have adopted other
measures than the use of unpleasant words.
EDITORS NOTE.
The arrest and imprisonment of this arch offender attracted
a great deal of attention. For many years he and a gang of
accompliccR, robbers and murderers, mostly of the lowest class
of Moslem peasantry of Bethlehem, Lifla, and Siloam, had been
the terror of the city and neighbourhood. Chief of the police
as he was, he had been in league with all the well-known des-
peradoes inside and outside of the city.
The lion's share of all spoils fell to him, and if now and
then some of his accomplices happened to be caught and
arrested, sometimes with his connivance to save appearances, he
as chief of the police knew how to lighten their imprisonment
and to facilitate their escape. His audacity at last led to his
fall. He was caught in the fact of robbing an English prot6g6j
* Since hanged at Jerusalem in 1865.
476 ENGLISH VIOE-CONSUL AT CAIFA.
and the Turkish authorities were made to understand that for
no consideration (and this man had amassed great wealth, which
he was able to use in bribery) must they this time condone his
crimes or let him escape. Thus was Jerusalem rid of an insup-
portable plague.
But many dark threats of vengeance were uttered against
those who had succeeded in checking his career, and it needed
a good deal of quiet courage to turn a deaf ear to all hints and
intimations of danger, and to persevere in requiring his deten-
tion during many months for his crimes, and then after his re-
lease in preventing his being at any time reinstated in office.
The influence of the British Consulate was vigorously ei-
erted in bringing this offender to justice, and in keeping the
Turkish authorities to their duty in carrying out his punisb-
ment, which was after all but slight in comparison with the
long list of heinous crimes which he had conmiitted. The
chief of the police was not the only criminal of his gang, who
in an evil hour for himself meddled with British proUgiS'
Others too were detected and punished, and thievery among
those who could look to the Consulate for redress was checked
for a long time to come.
The lesson of this chastisement was not without considerable
effect on all offenders and on the public.
The northern portion of my Consular district had of
late remained quiet. The advantage of having a native
Englishman as Vice-Consul at the port of Caifa now
became very manifest. Levantines or Eastern Christiam
might be hoodwinked or intimidated, as they usually
were in troublous times. Very few persons of their
classes understand what we mean by either personal or
moral courage^ Moreover, they have generally trade of
their own to attend to, which involves them in personal
relations with the authorities and the inhabitants. They
view matters from a special aspect only — ^they rarely
MR. E. T. ROGERS. 477
leave the town where they reside unless it be for some
business transaction of their own with the peasantry.
However upright and willing they may be, they cannot
show the bold front which a British agent should always
be ready to show ; they cannot obtain information as an
Englishman can, from unbiassed sources. They have not
the vigour necessary to allow of prompt action. They
dare not risk loss in their own trade or business by
which they hve, and are thus hampered just at the very
time when independence is essential. (One of our Con-
sular agents, Mr. M. d'A. Finzi, of Acre, had done us good
service during a long period of years, dating back to
before the occupation of Syria by the Egyptians. He
was of Jewish birth, and much respected by his people.)
We had at this time Mr. E. T. Eogers as our Vice-
Consul at Caifa, the central harbour of Palestine, close to
the fortress of St. Jean d'Acre, within easy reach of
G^ilee on the one hand, and Samaria on the other, and
of the great plain of Esdraelon, Nazareth, and Tibe-
rias— ^midway between Jerusalem and Bayroot, and on
the direct line of communication by sea with Jaffa, Tjrre,
and Sidon — ^l^ypt and Europe. Thus I was able to
obtain trustworthy information as to the course of. events
within an important part of the country. Mr. Bogers
spoke, read, and wrote Arabic fluently. In case of trou-
bles breaking out, we had also in him an officer ready
and able to, proceed at once to the spot, whenever the
presence of a British agent was likely to restrain evil-
doers or to strengthen the hands of the Turkish Govern-
ment. During the disturbances at Hebron in 1855, and
at Nabloos in 1856, Mr. Vice-Consul Bogers rendered
478 NO ENGLISH SHIPS ARRIX^E.
essential service— especiaUy in the rescue of the Bev. S.
Lyde from his dangerous position in Nabloos — which
will be described hereafter.
Early in 1854 the Moslems of Caifa were restless and
troublesome— one of them beat a Jew, a British protige
— ^but no witnesses ventured to come forward and give
evidence for conviction of the offender. The harbour-
master used insolent language in public, cursing the
French and the English nations, and other proofe were
given of tiie irritable state of feeling of the Moslems.
But no serious mischief was attempted, the first begin-
ning having been promptly noticed and checked.
In this, and this alone, lay our strength ; the imme-
diate measures, taken on the smallest occasion, to restrain
lawless or offensive conduct to British subjects, and this
during a long course of years previously, had created
a prestige which now proved our defence, and the
defence of many thousands of people where no other
help or defence was to be got.
During the period that I have been describing, no
English ships of war arrived at the port of Jaffa nor off
the coast at Carmel and Caifa. It was some years since
any British naval officers had been seen in Jerusalem.
Scarcely any merchant vessels of our nation had been
seen upon the Syrian coast, and not a single steamer, so
that it became a matter of wonder among the Orientals
how England could still deserve the appellation of a
great seafaring nation, especially as she was actually
paying the French * Messageries ' Company for carrying
our letters and despatches in the Levant ; in short, for
being our post-carrier.
SIR SIDNEY SMITH REMEMBERED. 479
It is true that our naval power waa visible enough
elsewhere, and our commerce was well known in the
distant hemisphere — but surely here, in a country where
communication was slow and deficient, it would have
been advantageous to have British patriotism encouraged
and Consular efforts backed by at least an occasional re-
minder of our national capabilities. This woiJd have
had a wholesome effect on fanatic and unruly Moham-
medans, who could have done much mischief before any
succour could arrive fi*om Corfu where our nearest ships
of war then lay.
Symptoms of danger several times showed them-
selves. It was fortunate that there lingered in the
country a pretty clear remembrance of Sir Sidney
Smith's prowess at Acre, and of his march into Jeru-
salem in defence of the Christians ; as also of the more
recent affair at Acre in 1840, when so much was ascribed
to the prowess of British sailors and soldiers. Happily
in the minds of the natives these events were still by no
means out of date — and there was a general idea that if
matters went very wrong British ships would appear on
the coast again — and would somehow manage to send
men where they might be wanted for the protection of
the oppressed.
Divine Providence watched over us, and at the end
we were able to say, 'All's well that ends well.'
Of course at so important a crisis it was most neces-
sary for each Consul, as weU as interesting to others, to
learn how affairs were proceeding elsewhere. Letters and
newspapers would naturally form the staple means of
480 FORTNIGHTLY MAILS.
getting intelligence, but our posts were few and &r
between.
It is strange, in these days of rapid telegraphic com-
munication, to look back upon the condition we were in,
in Jerusalem, diuing the Crimean war, as to communica-
tion with Europe.
Yet in this respect we were better off than we had
been. There was now an established French postal
steamer, passing fortnightly between Alexandria and
Smyrna, which brought European letters and journals
from the former, and those of Constantinople from the
latter, on the return voyage. But thanks to our coast, all
lying open as it does, without harbours, the mails in bad
weather would pass on, to be reconveyed back to our
port at Jaffa by the next opportunity. At such times we
often regretted the loss of our little ' Emmetje,' the fesfc-
sailing English packet, which used to bring us our mails
to Bayroot, whence a foot messenger brought our letters
in four days, and would brave all weathers, but whidi
was supplanted by the French steamer in 1848.
In looking back to the notes of 1853, I am par-
ticularly struck with the frequent entries of the mail-
packet being late in from Egypt, or of its having been
seen labouring away far out at sea. Later, we had also
an Austrian Lloyd's packet plying in the intermediate
weeks, but I derived very little benefit from its transit,
which was only between Constantinople and Ife^t,
though it is true it picked up Trieste mails at the end of
each trip. We still had in addition the weekly messenger
from Bayroot in the Turkish service.
Our continental news was derived from the various
NEWS FROM CONSTANTINOPLE. 481
European Consuls and residents. I had not as yet begun
to take in, as I did later on, the * Aligemeine Zeitung,' or the
Smymiote ' 'Ax-jjflgta.' M. Botta, my Erench colleague,
was always ready -to impart to me his public news, and to
exchange journals for reading; he was well supplied
with news from Constantinople.
We had heard in this way last November (1853) the
French official account of the Turks having crossed the
Danube at the two points of Widdin and Eustchuk — and
that they had kept their ground — ^though with the loss
of Ismail Pashk and 5,000 men, the Eusaans having lost
7,000. These large numbers doubtless included the
wounded. Also, that in Asia, near Batoom, the Turks
had driven back a quarantine post ; it was besides stated
unofficially, but positively, that the allied fleet was to
enter the Black Sea, and that contracts were being made
for supplies and conveyance to the northern coast of
Asia Minor.
Moreover, it was reported that the French Ambas-
sador was changed for one who was a General in the
army, and was attended by seven or eight aides-de-camp^
and that Bussia, Prussia, and Austria had addressed a
collective note to France demanding of her to withdraw
the protecting troops from Eome. This news ' merited
confirmation,' for Europe had more pressing business
on hand than the independence of the Papal part of
Italy.
In a few weeks more, early in 1854, we learned that
Lord Palmerston was out of office,^ and that the four
^ Lord Falm6T8ton had resigned after the disaster at Sinope.
VOL. I. II
i 482 POSITION OF PRUSSIA AND AUSTRIA.
I
Powers were still labouring to patch up a reconciliation
with Russia, at which our friend Botta waxed exceed-
ingly wroth.
During the whole of this period it was a matter of
some anxiety, next to watching the deeds of arms in
actual progress, to wait for the effect of n^otiations in
Vienna previous to the operations being transferred to
the Crimea. It seemed all very well and suitable for
the German Powers to insist upon Bussia evacuating the
Principalities on the Danube, since that was necessary
for their own national safety and interest. Prussia could
not be neutral on the first breaking out of the Crimean
war. Until Eussia had evacuated the Principalities, the
interests of Prussia were threatened, B3 were those of
Austria. By, evacuating the Principahties, Eussia dis-
armed the resentment which Prussia might have felt, and
made it possible to detach her from alUance with the
hostile Powers.^
Prussia and Austria having insisted upon Eois^
evacuating the Principalities, was a totally different ques-
tion from whether they were disposed to take active
measures for the defence of Turkey. Diplomatically, of
course, and in accordance with treaties, they talked about
maintaining the balance of power in the south and east
of Europe ; but were they not jealous of an augmented
influence accruing to the Anglo-French alliance.? — and
1 Now, when we have another Bussian war, things are yeiy difiereiit.
The Principalities have heen ^yen to a HohenzoUern. Austria, the Raman
Catholic nation, with interests antagonistic both in Church and State to
those of Russia, has been humbled. Prussia has been aggrandised. The
Prindpalities now give Russia vantage ground as a point of attack upon
Turkey .—Editob'b Note, 1877.
REASONS FOR THEIR CONDUCT. 483
were they not willing to leave themselves at liberty to
share in the spoils of ' the sick man ' in the event of his
decease — deceiving themselves also into the belief that it
was tiuly impending?
There must have been in their minds a possibihty of
Eussia coming victorious out of the huge struggle ; and
under that hypothesis it surely would be more profitable —
during the necessary partition— that Russia should regard
them with sentiments of gratitude rather than as having
alienated themselves during the struggle by unfriendly
conduct. Besides the political calculations there were
personal friendships and relationships existing between
some of these German Sovereigns and the Czar.
The Prussian and Austrian ambassadors in St. Peters-
burg attended the Thanksgiving Service for destruction
by the Russians of the Turkish fleet in harbour at
Sinope.
Supposing that the allies should on the contrary
come out triumphant, and Turkey remain entire, there
would be nothing in prospect for the various Powers
but diplomacy wherewith to weave some novel tangled
net
We gathered the sentiments cherisdied by that party
in Jerusalem from the language used — and from the acts
performed that came under our observation.
At the same time their positive opinions were far from
being held in reserve, but were cheerily expressed by indis-
creet gossipers on politics — (who spoke English easUy — and
several of whom lived on incomes drawn from EngUsh
sources) that Prussia was the power destined to possess
Palestine at the coming dissolution of the Ottoman Em-
I I 2
484 GOSSIP AND POLITICS,
pire. The break-up was not to be limited to European
Turkey. It was a settled thing that a general Congress,
such as that of Vienna, in 1814, would be held, which
would not suffer either France or Bussia to take Palestine
— these nations being interested rivals of old date for grasp-
ing the Holy Places ; that England, although professing
no design upon the Sanctuaries, had yet one deep impor-
tant political stake in keeping open the highway to India,
and therefore must be (so it was said) an object of dislike
and distrust to the Orientals (who were duly reminded of
this on all convenient occasions) ; that the minor Eoman
Catholic nations would necessarily be followers in the
track of Prance — as Greece would be in that of Bussia ;
there remained therefore only Prussia — a people new upon
the scene, not weighty enough to excite jealousy, and
having no antecedent history in the East to create preju-
dice. Prussia was therefore the nation predestined and
fitted by Divine Providence to fill up that particular void
which was about to be made, in respect of the rule over
Palestine.*
It seemed to have missed the notice of these Jerusalem
politicians that in their imagined Congress Prance, Bus-
sia, and England would be present and would vote on
their own behalf.
All this was amusing enough.
Just about this time we heard of the removal of Cheva-
lier, then Baron, von Bunsen, from the Prussian Embassy in
^ That this idea is still in existence among a part of the Prussian public
I am not disposed to doubt in view of Prussian extension in the Levant of
late years.
[These words were written in 1872 by the Author, who did not live to
see the consolidation of the German Empire in the hands of Pnissia.] —
Editor'b Notb.
BARON V. BUNSEN AND DR. SCHULTZ. 485
London. Some of our talkers expressed their satisfiwjtion at
the change.
What my old friend had done to deserve this from
them I know not, but the turn of what seemed to me
ingratitude towards him was unexpected; for it was
he who had been the special agent in promotion of. the
Jerusalem Anglican Bishopric, which had been projected
as a particular link of amity between England and Prussia
in the Holy Land.
This amity had been most cordially fostered and kept
up by the late Doctor Schultz — ^first Prussian Consul at
Jerusalem — and also by the Consul-General, M. von Wil-
denbruch. Dr. Schultz died before the war broke out,
but his cousin, M. Weber, kept up friendly intercourse
now, and during many subsequent years, while he was
Consul-General at BajToot.
There were other persons, however, amdng our com-
munity, of very different temper and opinions. It was
disagreeable for an Englishman to be obliged to hear
in silence — even under my own roof — (which I should
not have done as a private person), the coarse taunts
cast upon rumoured failures in action, and the pohtical
thick-headedness of John Bull.
Great forbearance was necessary, but the duties and
responsibilities of oflSice required that forbearance should
be exercised towards all, and by this means, from the
very first rumours of the coming war, and throughout
its continuance, the social intercourse of daily life was
kept unbroken among the strangely-mingled society at
Jerusalem. The various residents and the passers-by
used to meet in friendly gatherings at the British Consu
486 GERMAN DISLIKE OP THE FRENCH.
late, as on neutral ground. The lists of guests included
people of all kinds, Eoman Catholics and Eastern Chris-
tians, Europeans of all the different nations (including
the Russian sympathisers among the Anglo-German resi-
dents), French oflSdals and Turkish authorities (when
there were any of the latter in the city). All used to
meet in a friendly way, and this in the midst of the
ecclesiastical rivalries, the village fightings, the war
rumours — and all that was disquieting in the condition
of the Turkish Empire.
Some of the folk in Jerusalem openly and constantly
expressed their dislike of everything French — and hatred
of the new French Emperor individually. The coldness,
in words and looks, of all Germans, whether residents or
travellers, concerning the great events then in progress in
the South of Europe, was significant of the mind within,
even when clothed with the courtesy and tact of the old
Austrian party. This party most certainly did not join
in the expectations described above, as being entertained
by those Germans who believed Palestine would fjEill to
the share of Prussia.
The connection, moreover, of Austria with Latin inte-
rests, gave her a very different view of present circum-
stances fix)m that of Prussia. Neither was Austria so in-
different as Prussia might be to the movements of Bussia
on her own borders.
During all these summer months rumour was busily
at work, and by no means always innocently at work.
From Damascus we were informed, on what seemed
excellent authority, that the Russians were busy in
VARIOUS RUMOURS. 487
r Bokhara and Khiva, stirring up trouble among the Mos-
i. lems against Turkey on that side.
The various rumours which reached us in Jerusalem
about the progress of the War, and about European and
Asiatic politics, influenced the condition of afiairs in Pales-
tine to a considerable extent.
True, these rumours were often inaccurate, sometimes
false, and were circulated piu^osely with a view to cer-
tain ends. But we had to deal with them at the time,
and it is therefore needful to allude to them in the course
of our narrative.
There were occasional alarms, or encouragements, in
these rumom:s, which were sometimes brought by tra-
vellers or Arab coasting vessels, which, of course, could
not be depended on, and which are amusing enough to
look back upon now.
For instance, the skipper of an Arab ' shakhtoor
(coasting boat) brought to Jafla positive tidings that
40,000 Sepoys had arrived at Suez from India for re-
inforcement of the British army.^ He (the informant)
' had seen their commander at Alexandria.' Next we
heard of an insurrection in Greece, moved by the Eus-
sians ; also that a merchant ship had been seized at Con-
stantinople laden with Eussian combustibles, intended for
the destruction of the capital.
Then we heard, prematurely, that the allied army had
advanced to Varna, at least a fortnight before that step
was really taken, and before the Council of War had
' While these pages have been passing through the press, what then
seemed likely to the Oriental mind has happened — Sepoys from India have,
not, ' arrived at Suez/ hut passed through the Suez Canal and arrived at
Malta.— Editor's Notb, 1878.
3
488 FEELINGS OF THE POPULATION.
resolved upon it. Later an American frigate — ^'The
Levant ' — ^brought news that in the Baltic the British fleei
had captured seven line-of-battle ships in an engagement,
but had lost three.
Later still the Fashk sent me word that affairs were
going on well at SiUstria, and that a considerable ad-
vantage had been gained, notwithstanding the loss of
Moosa Fashk. We now know that the Russians had
already raised the siege of Silistria three days before the
above news reached Jerusalem by Tatar courier firom
Constantinople. It was, therefore, very old news. IBs
Excellency made, however, no mention (probably because
his despatch had not mentioned it) of the immense benefit
the Turks had derived from our English volunteer officers
in the defence of Silistria aad Giurgevo.
The tidings of the disaster at Sinope, the bombard-
ment of Odessa, and the safe landing of the allied army
in the Crimea, reached us with tolerable clearness — ^the
two latter from newspapers, while the former excited
much righteous indignation, which •was stirred up to
greater heat by coloured prints on sale in the bazaars,
representing the scene in abundance of fiery red and
yellow colour. All our public information tended to
show that the martial spirit of Turkey was rising to the
emergency. Very likely it was so out of Syria.
This narrative has shown how unknown is national
feeling among the various races of Syria — ^that there could
be no national sympathy for the Turks, and that there
was no martial spirit to be aroused on that score. The
only cause of uneasiness in Palestine arose from the
religious aspect of the war, and from the .fanaticism of
POSITION OF THE BRITISH NATION. 489
those Moslems who were disposed to regard this war as
the long-expected Holy War between all Christians on the
one side, and all Moslems on the other* So far, however,
it was doubtftd whether the Christians would all be
ranged in antagonism to Turkey. As long as it seemed
likely that the war would be only a political one, in
which Turkey might have Christian allies, there was no
imminent danger of a wholesale rising of Moslems against
the Christian inhabitants — provided always that local
quarrels were not permitted to come to any dangerous
condition. There was, of course, always the danger of
foreign intrigue stirring up mischief — ^whether in the
shape of fanatical aggression upon the Christians, or of
simple insurrection of the Moslem subjects against their
Turkish rulers — ^by means of the local feuds and enmi-
ties always rife in the country.
In regard to these contingencies and dangers, the
British nation stood, as it were, between all the conflict-
ing parties, pohtically as having no quarrel with Turkey
^who rather looked to her for obtaining some measure
of justice and feir play — ^and in reUgious matters for the
reason that it was known to all men, even the most
ignorant in the land, that we were in no way mixed up in
the religious antagonism between the Eastern Churches,
• headed by Eussia, and the Western or Latin Churches,
headed by France.
The natives of Syria knew moreover that an immense
body of Moslems in India (forty millions) were under
British rule, and that, so far, the Sultan, as their common
religious chief (for so he was regarded by the Syrian
Moslems and by many of the Indian pilgrims), had had
490 FEELINGS TOWARDS ENGLAND.
no cause to complain of our neglect* td fulfil oiir engage-
ments towards them or towards himself.^ ^r^
They all knew that England had bgen ji fiiend to the
oppressed of all races and creeds— redfly^ to advocate the
cause of any who were suffering wroilg, whether Moslem
peasant, or Jew, Samaritan, Druse, or oppressed Christian
of whatever Church.
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APR 1 5 1915
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